Friends of the Congo

Plane Crash Kills President Kabila's Main Adviser

2012-02-12T09:53:00.008-05:00

A private plane crashed in Bukavu, South Kivu today. Major players in Congo's political landscape were on the plane and have been pronounced dead. Most importantly was Augustin Katumba Muanke who served as special adviser to President Kabila. It is widely reported that he was the main figure in a parallel government that shaped policy for the Kabila regime. Also on board and suffered injuries were Matata Mponyo Mapon, Minister of Finance, Marcelin Cishambo, Governor of South Kivu province and presidential adviser Antoine Ghonda.

The plane crashed when it overshot the runway. The crash occurred at 1 PM local time at the Kavumba Airport in Bukavu, South Kivu. Soldiers from Congo's military and the United Nations Security Mission in the Congo, Called MONUSCO rescued several injured passengers from the plane and . The two pilots of the plane died in the crash.

The Democratic Republic of Congo is one of the most dangerous places to fly in an airplane. However, the crash presents the greatest danger to the Kabila regime. The loss of Katumba Muanke is potentially fatal for the Kabila government.

U.S. Congressional Hearing on Congo, Thursday, February 2, 2012

2012-01-27T10:24:00.006-05:00

ARE THESE YOUR CONGRESS PEOPLE ? IF YES THEY ARE MEMBERS OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, AND HUMAN RIGHTS. THEY ARE HOSTING A HEARING ON "U.S. Policy Toward Post-Election Democratic Republic of the Congo"

CONTACT THEM ABOUT THE D.R. CONGO

If you live in the following states - Massachusetts, California, New Jersey, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia, New Hampshire, Illinois, Delaware, New Mexico, Tennessee, Idaho, Florida, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Georgia, Wyoming, and Utah - we need your support in calling your senators and posting info on their facebook page about the situation in the Congo.

Here is a script:

Hello, my name is ___________. I am a constituent of Congressman/Congresswoman ___________. I am calling in regard to the Hearing on Thursday February 2 on Congo's elections that Africa Subcommittee will be hosting. I want to thank Congress for holding this hearing.

President Obama said in his State of The Union address "We will stand against violence and intimidation. We will stand for the rights and dignity of all human beings - men and women; Christians, Muslims, and Jews. We will support policies that lead to strong and stable democracies and open markets, because tyranny is no match for liberty."

It is US policy to support democracy in the Congo according to section 102 (1) of Public Law 109-456 yet the United States has not fulfilled this law or adhered to the country's democratic principles when it comes to its Congo policy.

In concert with U.S. law and stated U.S. policy, we urgently request the US government change the manner in which it is engaged in the Congo from one that supports strongmen to one that supports strong institutions and democracy by doing the following:

1. Respect the will of the people as expressed at the polls on November 28th by supporting efforts by the Catholic Church and other Civil Society organizations to arrive at the truth of the polls;

2. Cease recognition of the Kabila regime until the truth of the November 28th polls are determined;

3. Denounce the violence against civilians as documented by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other local NGOs.

Thank you

Note: Get as many of your family, friends, and people in your network to call these Congressmen and women especially if they live in the states listed above. Don't forget to leave comment on their facebook walls and tweet them.

Here is the contact info of the House Members on the committee hosting the hearing on February 2nd. Remember to ask your member of Congress to assure that a Congolese representative is invited to testify about his/her country.

Congressional Contacts:

Congressman Chris H. Smith - Republican
New Jersey's 4th Congressional District
DC office: 202-225-3765
Email: http://chrissmith.house.gov/zipauth.html
Website: http://chrissmith.house.gov/Contact/

Congressman Jeff Fortenberry - Republican
Nebraska's 1st Congressional District
DC office: 202-225-4806
Email: https://forms.house.gov/fortenberry/webforms/issue_subscribe.html
facebook: https://www.facebook.com/jefffortenberry
twitter: https://twitter.com/jefffortenberry
Website: http://fortenberry.house.gov

Congressman Tom Marino - Republican
Pennsylvania's 10th Congressional District
DC Office: 202-225-3731
Email: https://marino.house.gov/contact-me/email-me
Facebook:https://www.facebook.com/CongressmanMarino
Twitter: https://twitter.com/RepTomMarino
Website: http://marino.house.gov

Congresswoman Ann Marie Buerkle - Republican
New York's 25th Congressional District
DC Office: 202-225-3701
Email: https://buerkle.house.gov/contact-me/email-me
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/RepBuerkle
Twitter: https://twitter.com/RepBuerkle
Website: http://buerkle.house.gov/

Congressman Robert Turner - Republican
New York's 9th Congressional District
DC office: 202-225-6616
Email: https://bobturner.house.gov/contact-me/email-me
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CongressmanBobTurner
Twitter: https://twitter.com/USRepBobTurner
Website: http://bobturner.house.gov/

Congressman Donald M. Payne - Democrat
New Jersey's 10th Congressional District (counties: Essex, Hudson, Union)
DC office: 202-225-3436
Email: https://payne.house.gov/contact/email-me.shtml
Website: http://payne.house.gov

Algene Sajery Yvette Clarke - Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health and Human Rights
New York 11th Congressional District
DC Office: 202-225-6231
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/home.php#!/pages/US-Rep-Yvette-D-Clarke/135031389892682?v=wall
Twitter: http://twitter.com/#!/YvetteClarke
Email: http://clarke.house.gov/Contact/
Website: http://clarke.house.gov/

Congresswoman Karen Bass - Democrat
California 33rd Congressional District
DC office: 202-225-7084
Email: https://karenbass.house.gov/contact-me/email-me
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/RepKarenBass
Twitter: https://twitter.com/RepKarenBass
Website: http://karenbass.house.gov

Congressman Russ Carnahan - Democrat
Missouri's 3rd Congressional District
DC office: 202-225-2671
Email: https://forms.house.gov/carnahan/webforms/issue_subscribe.htm
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/congressmancarnahan
Twitter: https://twitter.com/repcarnahan
Website: http://carnahan.house.gov

MESSAGE OF THE CENCO TO THE CATHOLICS AND TO THE CONGOLESE PEOPLE. « COURAGE AND TRUTH »

2012-01-16T14:24:00.002-05:00

Version Francaise!
The Congolese is thirsty for Justice and Peace.

Courage and Truth (see. II Corinthians 7, 14)

Message of the extraordinary plenary assembly of the CENCO to the Catholics and to the Congolese people.

Introduction

1. May God bless the people of the Congo. May God be good and full of grace. May God manifest his goodness and grant the Congolese people with peace ! (see. Numbers 6, 24-26).

2.We, the Cardinal, Archbishops and Bishops, members of the National Episcopal Conference of the Congo (CENCO) have come together in an extraordinary plenary session in Kinshasa from January 9 to 11, 2012, and we have analyzed the observation report conducted by our Church regarding the elections.

In a spirit of prayer and faith in the future of our country, we address this message to the Catholics and to the Congolese people in order to learn the lessons from the current electoral process.

Achievements of the election process

3.We welcome the determination, maturity and civism of our people, who, in November 2011 went to the polls in difficult conditions in order to designate sovereign rulers. We congratulate our government for being able to largely finance the elections, which proves that we can succeed in building our country if we put resources and goodwill.

We acknowledge the logistical efforts of the INEC to deploy electoral material despite the challenges and the poor infrastructures of our vast country. We also congratulate all the electoral observers and witnesses who have made many sacrifices to perform their duty.

Failures

4. However, the result of this work has disappointed many Congolese. In our message called “Election year: what should we do?” (Ac 2, 37) published on February 25,, 2011, we said we wanted the elections to be transparent, truthful and peaceful , so that Congo can be part of the respectable and dignified nations of the world. [1]. In the message of December 3rd, 2011, the CENCO reaffirmed that our goal was not to publish the results and that its observation mission encouraged the Congolese people, the political actors, and the INEC to rely on the election results. On December 8, 2011, the General Secretariat of the CENCO highlighted the positive aspects of the election process, as well as its serious irregularities and weaknesses. This is why, on December 12, 2011, the Cardinal Archbishop of Kinshasa issued a statement denouncing the non-conformity to truth and justice of the provisional results released by the INEC.

5. Today, it is clear that, according to the final report of the Election Observation Mission of the CENCO and testimonies gathered by the various dioceses and other sources, that the electoral process took place in a chaotic environment. There are many failures, cases of proven and planned fraud, fatal incidents, deaths, and a climate of terror in order to force people to fill the ballot boxes. There is more. What is now happening in the compilation of the legislative election results is unacceptable. It is a shame for our country.

6. We believe the election process was marked by serious flaws that question the credibility of the election results. We call upon the organizers to demonstrate courage, honesty and accept the consequences. We believe recognizing one’s own mistake is a sign of greatness. However, if politicians take the risk of governing the country by challenge, the internal tensions that are controllable on the short term will result in a serious and inextricable crisis. We encourage an inclusive approaches and dialogue in order to serve the best interests of the Congolese nation. It is time for courage and truth.

Our prophetic mission

7. We remain faithful to our mission of watcher for the people of God (see. Ez 3, 17), we see several challenges to overcome in order to establish the rule of law in the DR Congo, and for the well being of the Congolese people. However, we do not intend to fight a political battle for the creation of a fair society. We do not plead for a political party either. As Pope Benoit XVI said “the Church cannot and shall not replace the State, but the Church cannot and shall not stay away from the fight for justice. This is why, “in our prophetic mission, each time the people asks the Church for help, the Church wants to be ready to give hope (see. 1P 3, 15), because a new day has come (Ap 22, 5) [3]. We borrow words from Pope Benoit XVI : “Because of the Christ and by loyalty to his life lessons, our Church feels that it has to be present where people are suffering and has to break the silence about the persecuted innocents »[4].

8. Therefore, we will not stop denouncing situations that jeopardize the creation of a democratic state. You do not build the rule of law in a culture of fraud, lies, terror, militarism and flagrant violation of the freedom of expression. If democracy is a power of the people, by the people and for the people, the people must be respected. In the current situation, the Congolese people are being hurt and feel extremely frustrated. They are the powerless witnesses of a process that does not reflect their will and looks more like an arrangement between political actors.

Peace in the Truth

9. «The Church has a duty of truth to accomplish, a vital mission, it is a favor made to the liberating truth » [5]. The election process will consolidate a democratic culture and the pacification of the country. We want peace. The peace we want shall not exist without truth, justice and respect for the people. It is in the name of peace that the Church encourages Congolese leaders to promote justice and show their love for the truth. What will be the values of our youth if the only thing they know is the anti-value system?

Attack on the integrity and dignity of people

10. In this context, we condemn the public campaign orchestrated by the Cardinal. All these insults have shocked the Catholics and many others. This shows the emergence of a single thought which condemns all contradictory opinions. We condemn all the insults and threats against the president of the CENCO, because democratic debates don’t allow personal attacks.

11. We cannot remain silent in front of all these abuses: physical threats, human rights violations, kidnappings, intimidations, and the confiscation of public means of communication by a political family. Because of their political opinion, bishops, clergy and peaceful citizens are still the victims of these threats.

12. We encourage the Catholics and the Congolese people as a whole not to resort to violence, because violence breeds violence. It provokes destruction and misery. We call upon the Congolese Diaspora, those who share our concern for a better Congo, and those we know make great sacrifices to help the Congolese living in Congo, not to resort to violence and find peaceful means in order to contribute to the construction of a truly democratic Congo. As our divine Master did, we must respond to violence with love. (see. Mt 5, 43-44).

Recommendations:

13. We recommend:
- The Congolese people must not become pessimistic, hopeless, violent, tribal and xenophobic. The Congolese people must come together around the Christian and democratic values of justice and truth, they must grow together in the awareness of their national unity and sovereign power and use it in legality and vigilance;

- The politicians must prove that they are mature actors that have the capacity to organize, take their responsibilities, improve the political debate by stopping all injures , lies and by expressing their deep concern for the civism and well being of the population;

- The current INEC team must have the courage to question its own actions. They must absolutely correct the serious mistakes that have broken the trust the Congolese population had put in them. They shall otherwise resign.

- The Parliament must urgently review the composition of the INEC which is no longer trusted by the population. The Parliament shall also include civil society representatives for more independence and abstain from amending articles of the Constitution;

- The government shall learn the lessons from this election debacle and invest the adequate material for the elections and use these resources on time for future elections. The government shall also abstain from using public funds for personal gain and realize that the people want change.

- The National Police and the Armed forces must be professional, protect the population and most importantly refuse to obey unfair orders.

- The Supreme Court must be independent and conscious when making decisions in electoral disputes. The credibility of the judicial power lies in it.

- The international community shall primarily take into consideration the interest of the Congolese people, not be complaisant, support the quest for justice, peace and respect the self-determination of the Congolese people.

Conclusion

14. Our country is currently going through times of uncertainty and anguish. Our faith in God and our trust in humanity, which was created in the image of God, convince us that these feelings can be overcome if there is a change in the hearts, the mentality and the actions. It is necessary to love the country and to abandon selfish interests in order to find ways to bring about peace in the DR Congo. The peace we want can only be found in justice and love for the truth. The peace that is granted without justice is only ephemeral and illusory. The justice of men, if it not the fruit of reconciliation, truth and love remains uncompleted. It is love, justice and truth that trace the paths of the real justice and peace we want for the DR Congo.

15. May the prayer of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Queen of Peace and Notre-Dame of Congo, whose heart is always oriented towards the will of God, support any conversion, consolidate all initiatives for reconciliation, dialogue and strengthen all efforts for a Congo that is thirsty for justice and peace.

Kinshasa, January, 11, 2012

[1] Cf. CENCO, Election Year: What should we do ? (Ac 2,37), n° 23.

[2] Benoît XVI, Lettre encyclique Deus caritas est, n° 28.

[3] Benoît XVI, Exhortation apostolique post-synodale Africae munus, n° 30.

[4] Benoît XVI, Exhortation apostolique post-synodale Africae munus, n° 30.

[5] Benoît XVI, Exhortation apostolique post-synodale Africae munus, n° 22

Martyrs Day

2012-01-04T12:08:00.005-05:00

Today, January 4th 2012, marks the 53rd anniversary of the courageous uprising of young Congolese in Kinshasa, then Leopoldville, to demand an end of Belgian colonialism. As the people took to the streets, several hundred died as they were shot with live fire by Belgian security forces though this was a peaceful march. Nine days later the King of Belgium announced that in due time Belgium would grant Congo full independence. The courageous stance by that generation of Congolese served as a key catalyst for Congo’s independence in 1960. This day is known as the Day of the Martyrs of Independence.

As we remember the courageous fighters of that time, we should know that Congolese today inside and outside are organizing to regain control of their country. From Kinshasa to Lubumbashi, Brussels to Seoul, London to Washington, Congolese have risen with one voice demanding that their voice be heard and their will be respected in spite of the fraudulent attempt to steal the November elections.

With this awakening, the youth of the Congo are more than determined to resist the hijacking of the future of their country. They aim to fulfill their founding mothers' fathers' prophecy that they will write their own history. A grassroots movement throughout the Congo and outside has begun with one word... INGETA... a word in Kikongo meaning "So be it." Young Congolese have come together to develop a platform connecting them worldwide and celebrating the martyrs of their country.

On this day, we hope you join the Congolese in their pursuit of true independence... and that day will come sooner than one might think.

Click here (Francais) to learn more about Ingeta!

More information on Martyrs Day:

http://congofriends.blogspot.com/2011/01/day-of-martyrs-of-independence.html

http://www.newsaboutcongo.com/2011/01/day-of-the-martyrs-of-independence.html

Congo: Elections, Democracy and The Diaspora Awakening

2012-01-03T03:29:00.001-05:00

The November 28th Presidential and legislative elections were fraught with tremendous irregularities and widespread charges of fraud. The National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI in French) announced on December 8th that Joseph Kabila won the elections with 49 percent of the vote and long-time opposition, Etienne Tshisekedi garnered 32 percent.

The Supreme Court validated the results published by CENI and dismissed a challenge to the results by the opposition, led by presidential candidate Vital Kamerhe. The opposition categorically rejected the results as fraudulent. Nonetheless, Joseph Kabila was sworn into office on Tuesday, December 20th, where only one head of state (Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe) attended although 12 other African heads of states were expected to attend. Ambassadors from foreign nations, including the United States, were present for Kabila's swearing-in.

Rejecting the results, Etienne Tshisekedi announced that he would have his own swearing-in among the people at the 80,000 capacity Martyrs Stadium on Friday, December 23rd. Being under virtual house arrest, Tshisekedi was confined to his residence by the Kabila regime. The government also prevented the population from entering the stadium with a heavy show of force from the police, armed forces, and presidential guard. The regime blocked routes leading to the stadium with heavy tanks and artillery. Instead of a swearing-in at the stadium in front of a large audience, Etienne Tshisekedi had to perform the ceremony at home in his garden. In addition to domestic pressure, the government is experiencing intense international pressure; the European Union has said it will re-evaluate its cooperation with the DRC and make judgments based on how the political crisis unfolds and Mme Christine Lagarde, head of the International Monetary Fund said she is following the situation in the Congo with a particular focus on the rule of law and the political climate, especially the pre and post-electoral periods.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is at a critical juncture in its tenuous march towards peace and stability. The Kabila regime suffers from a severe crisis of legitimacy and the future of the democratic project is in the balance. Stability will be fleeting without legitimacy. What is at stake in the Congo is not merely an election but respect for the will of a people and the future of democracy in the heart of Africa.

The Carter Center said the Presidential results announced by the CENI "lacked credibility," while the Archbishop of Kinshasa, Cardinal Laurent Monsengwo, said that the results announced by the CENI reflects "neither the truth nor justice." The European Union chimed in, noting that the process evinced a lack of transparency, with its missing polling stations and lost results totaling an estimated 1.6 million votes. South Africa noted that the elections were"generally OK," while the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) found little wrong with the elections. Nonetheless, the CENI has ceased the counting of the legislative results and invited an international technical team from the United States and England to help with the counting of the legislative results, which are expected to be announced by January 13th - a constitutional deadline that will be difficult to meet.

Congolese in the diaspora have responded with universal outrage and have taken to the streets throughout the globe. Demonstrations have occurred in London, Brussels, Paris, Berlin, Rome, Johannesburg, Tel Aviv, Toronto, Montreal, Ottawa, New York, Washington and numerous other cities around the world. The central demand of the demonstrations is that the will of the Congolese people be respected. Click here to see videos of Congolese demonstrations!

Due to greater access to information combined with the freedom to express themselves, Congolese in the Diaspora have voiced the frustrations and concerns of their countrymen and women. The Congolese population inside the country has been under a military clamp-down with tanks in the streets, omnipresent security forces, SMS shut down (a major tool of communication for Congolese), and opposition television shuttered. Moreover, the Kabila regime has already demonstrated a willingness to use its armed and security forces to fire on unarmed civilians (see Human Rights Watch Report) and round-up and disappear civilians (see Amnesty International and Voix Sans Voix Statement).

The best option to rescue the country from a descent into a deeper crisis is the activation of a national mediation mechanism supported by the international community (Southern African Development Community (SADC), African Union (AU), European Union, United Nations and United States). However, political will on the part of the political class to prioritize the people's interests over partisan interests is a necessary prerequisite for this option to be successful.

Continue to take action and support Congo's pursuit of democracy:
"Our offices have gotten quite a bit of input from the Congolese Community in the US for which we are grateful." U.S. Senator Christopher Coons

1. Contact key world leaders and demand that they refrain from recognizing Joseph Kabila as President of the DRC.
2. Demand that the technical team from the United States and England assess both the legislative and presidential results.
3. Participate in teach-ins to learn about what is at stake in the Congo and the nature of Congo's democratic movement. (Click here for comprehensive list of actions!)

On January 17, 2012, the 51st anniversary of the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, Friends of the Congo and its allies will join in solidarity with the Congolese people by organizing a rally, teach-in and Lumumba Commemoration in Washington, DC and New York City. We call on our supporters and people of goodwill throughout the globe to join in solidarity with the people of the Congo as they continue the over 125 year pursuit to control and determine their own affairs.

Stay abreast of the latest developments on the elections by visiting our elections corner or follow us on Facebook or Twitter for regular updates.

Congolese Women Occupy The United States Embassy in Kinshasa

2011-12-24T16:32:00.002-05:00

Congolese Women of the opposition have been occupying the entrance to the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. They have been staying overnight since Monday December 19. The group is led by Denise Lupetu (UDPS), Martine Bukasa (UNC), Honorine Bokashanga (A), Christine Masengu (MPCR), Elise Kalombo (RCDN), Pascaline Kudur (FIS). The women dropped off a memorandum at the U. S. Embassy regarding the fradulent reelection of Joseph Kabila. Below is the memo:

With great sorrow, the Congolese people, helpless, represented by women of the political opposition and as part of a global witness, attest to the hijacking of the 2011 presidential elections. Indeed, with great consternation, Congolese women of the political opposition denounce the extortion of the people's victory in the 2011 elections by the organizing authority, the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI in French), in complicity with the forces of the outgoing government. A great outcry has gone out from numerous sources, in the press and elsewhere, denouncing the serious irregularities in the operations of the presidential elections, including:

- Pre-checked ballot papers for candidate number 3 (Mr. Joseph Kabila);

- Refusal and prevention of opposition witnesses to have access to some polling stations or to attend the emptying of ballot boxes;

- The malicious intent to withhold certified polling results from opposition witnesses;

- Relocation and removal of certain centers and polling stations;

- The prevention of some witnesses of the opposition from attending the compilation of results;

- Ballot stuffing, for candidate number 3 [Joseph Kabila] and candidates for parliament who are members of the presidential majority;

- The complicity of some security officers (the Republican Guard, the National Police, the Direction Générale de Migration - Homeland Security, the services of the ANR - secret service, the CENI officials, state agents), with the hidden intention of facilitating fraud.

Despite these glaring irregularities, the suffering people have witnessed the will they expressed at the polls stolen by CENI, which has facilitated the reversal of the trends in favor of their candidate Joseph Kabila.

The President of the CENI, Mr. Ngoy Mulunda, demonstrated support for Kabila early in the election process and unceasingly defended him, despite claims that he was serving an independent institutional role.

The incumbent created the same situation with its position vis-à-vis the CENI. Who does not remember the blank ballots found in 2006 in Mr. Ngoy Mulunda's offices, located at Avenue de la Justice, when he was not part of the 2006 electoral commission?

The Democratic Republic of Congo, our country, looks by all perspectives like a banana republic devoid of any law. The highest courts, namely, the Supreme Court of Justice, which is expected to uphold the law, has become simply an instrument of Joseph Kabila's power or better yet his own personal property. Despite all the accusations and blatant irregularities noted by the various stakeholders in the elections of November 28, the Supreme Court, which makes the final decision on election results, ultimately did nothing but express the will of the CENI and not the will of the Congolese people. Faced with this blatant theft of the Congolese people's voices, the people expect nothing less than the recovery, by any means necessary, of its hard-won victory at the cost of human life, to reference the 18 Congolese killed November 26, 2011 at Tshangu.

As if this were not enough, the Conseil Superieur de l’Audiovisuel et de la Communication (CSAC - media regulator/censor) exploited by the dictatorial power of Mr. Joseph Kabila, blocked the signals of three television channels Radio Lisanga Télévision (RLTV), Congo Média Channel Télévision (CMC TV), Canal Congo Télévision (CCTV), all stations close to the opposition. The Congolese population have also been deprived of their liberty to communicate by elimination of the use of SMS.

Africa in general and the Democratic Republic of Congo in particular were encouraged by the involvement of the international community in resolving post-election conflicts in Ivory Coast by applying pressure to determine the truth of the polls and restore the will of the Ivorian people. This Ivorian situation has undeniable parallels to the Congolese situation. This is why the Congolese people believe that the international community has no excuse for this silence; we believe it should be held accountable for the consequences of its silence. The Democratic Republic of Congo, our country, has no need of strong men; instead it needs strong institutions.

Congolese Appeal For Justice

2011-12-23T11:00:00.001-05:00

Learn more about the elections and the awakening of the Congolese people!

Appeal To World Leaders Regarding The 2011 Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo

2011-12-17T11:21:00.000-05:00

On November 28, 2011, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) held its second presidential and parliamentary elections since the devastating war that began in 1996 and continues to claim lives in the eastern part of the country. Assassinations, intimidation, and other human rights violations have been documented since the beginning of the electoral process. Human Rights Watch reported that of the 18 people dead as a result of electoral violence on November 26, the majority of those killed were shot dead by President Kabila’s Republican Guard soldiers in Kinshasa.

On December 9, 2011, the preliminary presidential election results were announced. The electoral commission reported that Joseph Kabila was the leading candidate with 8,880,944 votes, or 49% of the votes cast. He was followed by Etienne Tshisekedi with 5,864,775 or 32%.

The Archbishop of the Catholic Church in Kinshasa, Cardinal L. Monsengwo Pasina says the results correspond neither to truth nor justice. The Carter Center who observed the elections said that they lacked credibility. The Carter Center also observed that 2,000 polling station results numbering 750,000 votes were missing in Kinshasa alone. The European Union deplored the lack of transparency, and the irregularities in the collection, compilation and publication of the results. They also noted that results from 4,875 polling stations totaling 1.6 million votes were missing.

Steps taken by the Kabila regime ranging from the change in the constitution, appointment of a member of his party and close adviser as president of the electoral commission, and the stacking of the Supreme Court at the outset of the launch of the electoral campaign all strongly suggest a premeditated attempt to rig the elections or produce a fraudulent outcome.

In light of the acute political crisis in which the Congo is trapped, Friends of the Congo recommends that world leaders get fully engaged immediately and advance the following:

1. Refrain from recognizing Joseph Kabila as winner of the 2011 presidential election.

2. Facilitate a high-level mediation process made up of the Southern African Development Community, the African Union, The European Union, The United Nations, select respected former African heads of states and representatives from the United States, England and China.

3. Assure that the will of the people is accurately reflected in the legislative elections.

It is critical that the current political crisis in the Congo is given the attention it deserves with the particular focus on making sure that the will of the Congolese people is respected.

Friends of the Congo
Washington, DC
December 16, 2011

When Congo Shook London

2011-12-16T01:37:00.001-05:00

Click here to learn more about the elections!

Occupy the Phones, to the U.S. Senate, for the Congo

2011-12-14T16:11:00.002-05:00

Friends of the Congo and the African Great Lakes Advocates Coalition* would like to urge Occupiers and others of goodwill in the U.S., from Massachusetts, California, New Jersey, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia, New Hampshire, Illinois, Delaware, New Mexico, Tennessee, Idaho, Florida, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Georgia, Wyoming, and Utah, to Occupy the phones to the U.S. Senate for the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C).

The D.R.C. has held a presidential election that even the conservative International Crisis Group, an organization of international capital managers and their government and military allies, characterizes as dangerously indefensible. The fierce resistance of the Congolese people has left "the international community," most of all foreign heads of state, thus far unwilling to acknowledge the victory of sitting President Joseph Kabila. Please call and encourage your Senators on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to

ARE THESE YOUR SENATORS? IF YES THEY ARE PART OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, SO CONTACT THEM ABOUT THE D.R. CONGO

If you live in the following states - Massachusetts, California, New Jersey, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia, New Hampshire, Illinois, Delaware, New Mexico, Tennessee, Idaho, Florida, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Georgia, Wyoming, Utah - we need your support in calling your senators and posting info on their facebook page about the situation in the Congo.

Here is a small script

Hello, my name is ___________. I am a constituent of Senator ___________. I am calling in regard to the Senate Hearing on Thursday December 15 on Congo's elections that Senator ________ 's committee will be hosting. I want to thank Senator ______ for holding this hearing.

According to Public Law 109-456, it is US policy to support democracy in the Congo. In this respect, I appeal to Senator ______ to:

1. Demand that the US government does not recognize the current elections results published by the Congolese Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) in light of the Carter Center's, European Union's and Catholic Church's report about the irregularities during the electoral process.

2. Assure that the will of the Congolese people is respected per their vote on Nov. 28th.

Thank you!

Click here to learn more about the elections!

AP Picture of Jubilant Supporters of Kabila

2011-12-10T11:36:00.004-05:00

Supporters of Congolese president Joseph Kabila take to the streets in jubilation in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, Friday Dec. 9, 2011, after the electoral commission declared their candidate the winner. Kabila won with 49 percent of the 18.14 million votes cast, while longtime opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi had 32 percent, according to the final tallies released by election commission chief Daniel Ngoy Mulunda. Tshisekedi supporters in the meantime were taking to the streets and setting tires ablaze. (AP Photo/Jerome Delay)

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African Great Lakes Coalition Recommendations to the US Senate

2011-12-07T06:40:00.004-05:00

On Tuesday, December 6, 2011 the African Great Lakes Advocacy Coalition (Africa Faith and Justice Network, African Great Lakes Action Network, Friends of the Congo, Foreign Policy in Focus) briefed members of the United States Senate and their staff of how the United States can leverage existing laws and policies to immediately address the electoral crisis in the Congo. Below are the recommendations made to the U.S. Senate.

Recommendation To The United States Government Regarding the 2011 Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo

On June 29, 2006, the United States Senate passed S. 2125: Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006, which was subsequently passed into law on Dec 22, 2006; Public Law No: 109-456.

Section 102 (1) of the law states:

It is the policy of the United States to help promote, reinvigorate, and support the political process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in order to press all parties in the Transitional National Government and the succeeding government to implement fully and to institutionalize mechanisms, including national and international election observers, fair and transparent voter registration procedures, and a significant civic awareness and public education campaign created for the July 30, 2006, elections and future elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to ensure that elections are carried out in a fair and democratic manner.

In concert with U.S. law and stated U.S. policy, we urgently request of the US government to be engaged in the following ways:

1. Call for transparency in the voting results and support the verification process that ensures the results reflect the will of the people.

2. Continue to engage the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a committed and helpful partner by strongly condemning, pressuring and assisting to hold accountable those responsible for the violence that occurred before, during and after the elections.

Interview With Professor Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja

2011-12-04T09:24:00.002-05:00

Click here to listen to audio version of the interview.

Musavuli: Hello Professor Nzongola-Ntalaja. Thank you so much for making the time to speak with us in regards to elections here. Our supporters and readers have many questions as they related to the election. We felt the need, especially given the article that you published in The Guardian, to have a dialogue.

Our first question is related to comparing the elections. How are the 2011 elections in the Congo coming up on November 28th different from the 2006 elections?

Nzongola: Two major differences. The first is that the 2006 elections were elections organized, controlled and financed by the international community. They were organized under the international community to accompany the transition which was composed of representatives of the United Nations Security Council led by the Special Secretary-General Mr. William Swing, former U.S. Ambassador to the Congo Special Representative of the Secretary-General Kofi Annan, and plus countries such as Canada, Belgium, South Africa and the African Union.

The internal community had decided that they wanted Joseph Kabila in power and they did everything possible to get him elected; violating our laws and doing everything possible to make the process one that favored one person namely Joseph Kabila.

This year the main difference, and that’s the second difference, is that this year the elections are Congolese controlled. They’re not controlled by the international community even though Roger Meece, the former U.S. Ambassador to the Congo is now the United Nations Secretary-General's Special Representative to the Congo and basically a pro-Kabila person and a person who has been very hostile to Tshisekedi. So that is the main difference.

The second difference is that there is a new element in the election That is Etienne Tshisekedi, the leader of the pro-democracy movement in Congo since 1980, almost 31 years, a person who incarnates the deepest aspirations of the people of the Congo as shown by the large crowds that are coming out to see him in Lubumbashi, Shabunda, Mvuete, Bunia, Kisangani, Goma, Bukavu, Mweka and elsewhere.

So that is the major difference because here we see the determination of the Congolese people to come out and speak out and make sure that they take the destiny of their country into their own hands.

Musavuli: That’s great. The second question that I have for you is the latest article from BBC that made reference to the Congo being a failed state which was an interesting claim. I saw in your article that you clarified that it’s a failed state in terms of safety and security. In the same article they also claimed that Congo was under tutelage and these are some of the arguments that many analysts have given, that the decisions for the Congo are made in Washington or in London. Do you agree with such a characterization of the Congo that Congo is in fact under tutelage? If you do not agree, how would you characterize the Congo today as it relates to the international community?

Nzongola: Well the reaction of the international community to statements by Etienne Tshisekedi shows very clearly that they are supportive of Mr. Kabila because they have remained silent on all the gross violations of human rights committed by this regime including the assassination of Floribert Chebeya, the foremost human rights activist of our country in the last 20 years and of course Jean Bosco Ntaganda, the criminal who is now a General in Kabila’s army who has committed acts of crimes against humanity, against the people of Northeastern Congo and who is kept in Kabila’s army with the support of Rwanda.

This is an indication of the fact that the international community does not care about the violations of our people’s rights and they want to be able to continue plundering the Congo as they have been doing. A couple of days ago a British MP declared that the Congo has lost $5.5 billion in mineral concessions made by the Kabila regime; all these mineral contracts which go to favor foreign interests rather than the interests of the Congo.

The international community loves the Congo as it is, in ruins. We ranked 187th out of 187 countries surveyed by the United Nations Development Programme in terms of the Human Development Index. It’s a shame.

Yes, the country is under tutelage and this tutelage was started after the inter-Congolese dialogue with the international community to accommodate transition, but as I pointed out, Mr. Roger Meece, the former U.S. Ambassador [to Congo], just like Mr. Swing, the former U.S. Ambassador [to Congo] was and is the representative of the United Nations in the Congo. Why is it that two Americans should be given the task of leading and supervising the UN operations in the Congo at this very critical time? It’s because those countries have a vested interest in controlling our country and we have to make every effort possible to liberate ourselves from this kind of tutelage.

Musavuli: The second part of that question is, given that you do believe and many analysts do believe that Congo is under tutelage, isn’t the winner for the current elections already predetermined?

Nzongola: Well they may have determined it, but the final say is going to be the Congolese people. Either they allow the Congolese people to vote freely their conscience and elect a person who incarnates their aspirations or they can’t have any vote on the other hand.

Either impose a leader like Joseph Kabila for a second term, which he doesn’t deserve because he hasn’t done a thing in five years to deserve a second term. Then they want a revolution in the Congo. They want the people of the Congo to make the country ungovernable and to have violence. But if they want peace and stability in the Congo, then they should tell the people of the Congo to vote freely for a person of their choice then this person will certainly end that foreign tutelage.

Musavuli: What role do you believe the international community should play in this election?

Nzongola: Basically to make sure that standards of democratic governors, free and fair elections, human rights are observed. The United Nations has a responsibility under international law to see to it that human rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent conventions are observed, respected and enforced by member countries.

We now have a huge UN mission in Congo; 25 troops and thousands of civilian personnel. Their role in the Congo is to protect our citizens, to make sure that people are able to vote freely, that political leaders are able to campaign freely.

Today we have the international community making a lot of noise about Mr. Tshisekedi, but they do nothing about Mr. Kabila preventing political leaders from even putting up posters in a place like Rond Point Victoire in Kinshasa, putting up posters in public places! You see posters of Kabila everywhere but very few posters of other political leaders because the regime sends even policemen, police officers to remove those posters.

There have been cases of clashes between supporters of opposition parties and supporters of Kabila and the police preventing them from exercising their democratic rights.

If the international community is serious about justice, freedom and democracy, they ought to make sure that the process is free and fair, transparent and democratic.

Musavuli: So... with the current violence, free election violence and tension going on in the country and other reports that we received earlier this year as it relates to the logistics for the elections. Do you still believe that the elections, the presidential elections will take place on November 28th?

Nzongola: I’m not a prophet... so I don’t know whether they will take place or not. I can’t predict one way or the other because I don’t have the facts to allow me to make one judgment or the other. But the point is clear, the CENI, the Independent National Electoral Commission known in French as CENI, has every interest to hold elections on November 28th because if it doesn’t, they are going to have the problem of illegality. The regime’s mandate expires on December 6th. What are they going to do if elections are not held before December 6th? Is Kabila going to continue as president or are we going to have a provisional regime? and how is this provisional regime going to be established? It’s really messy. There is every reason to believe that the CENI will do everything possible to make sure that electoral materials are all available, have to be brought in as quickly as possible to mobilize the support of our SADC partners, South Africa and others. Angola wouldn’t have a lot of logistical capabilities to bring all of these materials we need to hold elections as planned on November 28th.

Musavuli: Looking at the spectrum of candidates right now in the Congo, especially in the opposition, why do you think it was really hard for the opposition candidates to come together and have one candidate that would represent the opposition so that this person had the best shot at defeating Kabila?

Nzongola: Well I don’t know what you call the opposition. From my understanding, the opposition is totally behind Mr. Tshisekedi. The opposition is represented by people who are democrats who have fought against the Mobutu regime, who have fought against the dictatorship of Laurent Kabila, who have fought against the opportunists and adventurists under Joseph Kabila, that’s the opposition, people like Eugène Diomi Ndongala of the Christian Democrats Party, people like Etienne Tshisekedi, that’s the opposition.

I don’t consider Kamhere to be in opposition. He’s in opposition because he disagrees with Kabila on some points? He is the person responsible for electing Kabila in 2006. How can he suddenly become a member of the opposition? Is Kengo Wa Dondo a member of the opposition? He’s the President of the Senate, a Senate whose majority is Kabila’s party in which he has worked with hand in hand without any problems. How has he become an opposition leader because he declares his opposition? Oh come on! We can’t just declare those people are in opposition because they declare themselves to be the opposition. If I declare myself to be a republican, am I a republican?

The point is that the opposition, the two oppositions, as you see people running for Parliament all over the Congo, those who work for the real opposition are behind Tshisekedi. Others are people who are adventurers or people who want to be in power forever like Kengo Wa Dondo who has been in power for the last 40 years. These are people who cannot live outside of the government, who want the perks and privileges of office. They play this game of so-called opposition like they did in 1992 when they belonged to the Sacred Union and to pretend to be opposed to Mobutu when they were really members of the Mobutu regime until the end of the regime in April of 1990.

So you see? There is no question about making alliances with these so-called opposition leaders because they are not part of the opposition.

Musavuli: I see. So what is the best that the Congolese can expect from these elections? What can they expect as fundamental differences in their lives on a daily basis?

Nzongola: If the people’s candidate wins, and the people of the Congo tell you that they have their candidate. Their candidate is Étienne Tshisekedi. If he wins, yes, there is reason to hope that things will change for the better. Certainly it will take time, but at least they will have the fundamentals which, according to Tshisekedi consist of the establishment of the Rule of Law and the strengthening of the state so that it can perform its normal functions.

The Congo is a failed state. It’s a failed state in all aspects of the states’ functions; in terms of law and order, safety and security for the population, in terms of collecting enough revenue to be able to pay for government services and civil service and the military, in terms of providing basic services to the population. Even the city of Kinshasa which is not far from the Inga dam, one of the largest hydroelectric projects in the world, they go days without electricity and sometimes even shortages of water in a country that is the richest in the world in terms of water resources. How do you explain that?

This regime has done absolutely nothing. So we hope that if Tshisekedi is elected as we think he should be if the vote is free and fair, there will be then the beginning of the regeneration of the Congo, the recreation of a state, the reestablishment of the Rule of Law, the reconstruction of the economy so we can have roads, we can have schools, we can have health centers, we can have public transportation and then we can end this murderous violence, the sexual violence against women and girls in Eastern Congo. We can secure our borders by having an army worth of the name and not an army made up of rebels and Rwandan soldiers as we do have today.

We want to make a radical change in the country so that we have a country which has credible institutions, institutions which function to fulfill the missions of the state and these missions consist primarily in protecting the population and in providing them basic services.

Musavuli: The electoral process is run by the National Electoral Commission and that is supposed to be independent. Do you believe that the CENI is in fact independent?

Nzongola: No it’s not because the chairman of the CENI, Pastor Daniel Ngoy Mulunda is a cousin of Laurent Kabila, the father of Joseph Kabila. He is a co-founder of the PPRD, the ruling party, the People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy. Also he can’t be judge and jury at the same time. He cannot be an impartial organizer of elections because he’s already tied to one side.

The law provides for political parties to name members to the Electoral Commission, but the law says that these people have to be persons of great integrity and people who are impartial. Mr. Ngoy Mulunda is not impartial so the Election Commission cannot be considered to be independent. They’re not really independent and the regime has not allowed those benefits. For example they have committed so many violations of the law, registering minors, registering civil servants and military people who are not supposed to vote. They are refusing an audit of the electoral rolls, not publishing the list on time, not doing a lot of things according to the law. So much of these things are done to frustrate the process so that the regime in power can win. They will not allow the opposition to have access to national radio and television so they’re not really independent.

Musavuli: What process do you think exists for the winner of the elections this year to really have legitimacy? When we look at the electoral law, we do not have two rounds of the elections so we only have one round and it creates a situation where the winner can be a minority president meaning that one could win with as little as ten percent of the votes for the whole country. What do you think that will create in terms of having a legitimate president in the Congo?

Nzongola: Well it is a tragedy that Mr. Kabila changed the Constitution to remove the second round of the elections. I am personally in favor of two rounds so that we elect a candidate who received the majority of the votes, but it is not unknown around the world for elections to be won by less than 50%. In the United States for example, presidential elections, you don’t have to win 50%. When Clinton won in his first election in 1992, he didn’t have 50%, it was only like 42% because Ross Perot got a big chunk of the votes, [18.9%] and so he won the popular vote but got no electoral college votes. If a system is designed that way then the person who wins wins.

In Zambia, the late president Mwanawasa when he succeeded Chiluba, he won by 27% of the votes and no one denied him the legitimacy of his presidency.

Certainly it would be better if the president wins a majority, but in our case here today, the choice is very, very clear. We have two candidates, Mr. Kabila who represents the past which is totally useless, which has done nothing for the country and Mr. Tshisekedi who represents the future and who is the hope of millions of Congolese. If Mr. Tshisekedi is elected, whatever the percentage, he is very much legitimate. There is no doubt about that.

Musavuli: Do you agree with many analysts that the elections will be violent?

Nzongola: Well again, I’m not a prophet. I can’t predict what will happen. Violence will happen if Mr. Kabila wants to be violent as he is doing today; preventing the opposition from campaigning freely, from putting up posters, from having access to radio and television, yes, there could be violence. If the opposition is denied the right to demonstrate freely and peacefully as they want to do, it can be violent. So it’s up to him, it’s up to the regime and the security forces to respect the law and the election will be free and fair and peaceful or they can resort to violence and then we’ll have violence.

Musavuli: So my last question for you will be more so on what I always insist on... a message for the youth of the Congo. One of the things that keeps coming up as we meet young Congolese around the country or around the U.S. or outside of the U.S. or some of them underground, they insist on knowing our history and knowing what we need to do today to be able to move forward and not repeat the same mistakes of the past. Given that in our country the majority of the youths are under the age of 18, so we do know we have a lot of young people even in our Parliament, what are the prospects for a brighter future for the Congolese youths and what steps do you think we need to take in the Congo to really make the Congo one of the greatest nations of the world?

Nzongola: It is a shame that we should be classified as 187th of 187 countries surveyed by the United Nations Development Programme in 2011 of the Human Development Index. We have a country that is very, very rich in natural resources; not only minerals, but also agriculture, forests, water, hydroelectricity, and so on.

It is up to the youths of the Congo to really work hard, to study hard so that they can contribute to changing our country. They can contribute to providing the new generation of leaders who are responsible, who think above all about the plight of our people especially the poorest of our citizens rather than their own interests, and who are going to work very hard to meet the aspirations of our people for freedom and democracy.

Since 1956, the people of the Congo have been fighting for freedom and development. We supported Patrice Lumumba in the independence struggle. We supported Tshisekedi during the Sovereign National Conference in 1992 and we are supporting him today for the same reason of attaining material prosperity and greater freedom.

Our youth, our hope, they’re the ones who can really help us achieve those goals and I’m positive, I’m really hopeful and really convinced that if they do follow the right path, study hard, do the right things, hold onto high moral principles, they can help us achieve those goals.

Musavuli: Thank you again so much for giving us the time to share your analysis on the current election and we do hope also that there will be change this election and that the candidate of the people will win and we all want peace in our country so we are able to go back and transform our nation. Thank you so much Dr. Nzongola.

Nzongola: Thank you very much. Bye bye.

Musavuli: Bye bye.

The Second Partial Results Released by CENI

2011-12-03T23:20:00.003-05:00

The Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) released the second partial results today. The results accounted for 21,265 of the 63,835 polling stations or 33 percent of all voting bureaus. According to the CENI partial results, Kabila was ahead with 3.27 million of the 6.48 million votes or 50.3 percent. Etienne Tshisekedi garnered 2.23 million votes, or 34.4 percent.

According to the latest results, Jospeh Kabila is ahead in six provinces (Bandundu, Katanga, Maniema, Orientale, North Kivu and South Kivu) and Etienne Tshisekedi leads in five provinces

(Bas Congo, Equateur, Kasai Occidental, Kasai Oriental, Kinshasa)

Independent Electoral Commission Publishes Partial Results

2011-12-03T08:55:00.003-05:00

The independent Electoral Commission (CENI) published partial results on December 2nd with more to come. The initial results are based on numbers from 9,746 of the 63,835 polling stations and do not include the capital, Kinshasa. The CENI says Etienne Tshisekedi leads in four provinces Bas Congo, Equateur, Kasai occidental and Kasai oriental. Sitting President, Joseph Kabila leads in 6 of the 10 provinces Katanga, Bandundu, Maniema, Province Orientale, North and South Kivu. See below detailed provincial account as published in Le Potential

Elections 2011 : La CENI publie des résultats partiels

(Le Potentiel 03/12/2011)

Les premiers résultats partiels de l’élection présidentielle viennent de tomber. Ils ont été rendus publics par la Commission électorale nationale indépendante. La compilation ne concerne que 15% des bulletins compilés de toutes les provinces.

Le président du Bureau de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante, CENI, le Pasteur Ngoy Mulunda, vient de rendre public, depuis hier vendredi 2 décembre, les résultats partiels de l’élection présidentielle. La compilation porte seulement sur 15% des résultats traités de toutes les provinces.

Percentage of Provincial Vote Counted :

- Bandundu : 17, 9%

- Bas-Congo : 44,71%

- Equateur : 10,14%

- Kasaï Occidental : 15,56%

- Kasaï Oriental : 22,83%

- Katanga : 27%

- Kinshasa : 0,02%

- Maniema : 16,66%

- Province Orientale : 17,90%

- Nord-Kivu : 6,63%

- Sud-Kivu : 10,55%

Detailed Provincial Breakdown:

BANDUNDU

1.217 polling stations compiled or 17.9%

1. Andeka…..2.905 voix

2. Bombole…3.095 voix

3. Kabila…….211.517 voix

4. Kakesa…….2.159 voix

5. Kamerhe….5.462 voix

6. Kashala……1.586 voix

7. Kengo……..4.798 voix

8. Mbusa……..1.232 voix

9. Mobutu…….2.367 voix

10. Mukendi….1.356 voix

11. Tshisekedi…107.611 voix

Total 344.089 voices compiled

BAS-CONGO

1.242 polling stations compiled or 44.71%

1. Andeka….3.631 voix

2. Bombole…2.949 voix

3. Kabila……77.596 voix

4. Kakesa……1.552 voix

5. Kamerhe….6.540 voix

6. Kashala…..1.146 voix

7. Kengo……1.930 voix

8. Mbusa……

9. Mobutu…..983 voix

10. Mukendi…1.769 voix

11. Tshisekedi…107.611 voix

Total 382.847 voices tabulated

EQUATEUR

742 polling stations compiled or 10.14%

1. Andeka….1.242 voix

2. Bombole…1.602 voix

3. Kabila……..18.858 voix

4. Kakesa…….1.020 voix

5. Kamerhe…..3.668 voix

6. Kashala……1.063 voix

7. Kengo……...61.890 voix

8. Mbusa……..1.154 voix

9. Mobutu…….37.576 voix

10. Mukendi…..1.529 voix

11. Tshisekedi…44.978 voix

Total 174.575 votes tabulated

KASAI OCCIDENTAL

725 polling stations compiled or 15. 56 %

1. Andeka……1.117 voix

2. Bombole…..816 voix

3. Kabila…….18.379 voix

4. Kakesa……702 voix

5. Kamerhe…..888 voix

6. Kashala…..651 voix

7. Kengo……679 voix

8. Mbusa…..579 voix

9. Mobutu….829 voix

10 Mukendi…1.112 voix

11. Tshisekedi…179.711 voix

Total 205.458 votes tabulated

KASAI ORIENTAL

1.171 polling stations compiled or 22. 83 %

1. Andeka….2.248 voix

2. Bombole…1.277 voix

3. Kabila……47.087 voix

4. Kakesa……953 voix

5. Kamerhe….1.221 voix

6. Kashala…..918 voix

7. Kengo…..856 voix

8. Mbusa….829 voix

10. Mukendi…1.658 voix

11. Tshisekedi…251.585 voix

Total 309.359 votes tabulated

KATANGA

2.279 polling stations compiled or 27%

1. Andeka…3.907 voix

2. Bombole…5.916 voix

3. Kabila…..724.515 voix

4. Kakesa…..2.536 voix

5. Kamerhe…7.864 voix

6. Kashala……1.447 voix

7. Kengo………1.471 voix

10. Mukendi…..1.063 voix

11. Tshisekedi…42.764 voix

Total 795.485 votes tabulated

KINSHASA

2 polling stations compiled or 0.02%

1. Andeka….4 voix,

2. Bombole…4 voix

3. Kabila……207 voix

4. Kakesa…..1 voix

5. Kamerhe…4 voix

6. Kashala….2 voix

7. Kengo……0 voix

8. Mbusa…0 voix

9. Mobutu…. 0 voix

10 Mukendi ….1 voix

11. Tshisekedi…104 voix

Total 327 votes tabulated

MANIEMA

278 polling stations compiled or 16.66%

1. Andeka..317 voix

2. Bombole..508 voix

3. Kabila…72.028 voix

4. Kakesa…661 voix

5. Kamerhe…9.610 voix

6. Kashala….189 voix

7. Kengo…..180 voix

8. Mbusa…..218 voix

9. Mobutu….203 voix

10. Mukendi…203 voix

11. Tshisekedi…2.302 voix

Total 86.358 votes tabulated

PROVINCE ORIENTALE

1.340 polling stations compiled or 17.90%

1. Andeka…7.669 voix

2. Bombole…6.167 voix

3. Kabila…..252.925 voix

4. Kakesa….4.251 voix

5. Kamerhe….24.267 voix

6. Kashala……2.713 voix

7. Kengo….8.738 voix

8. Mbusa…6.930 voix

9. Mobutu….12.468 voix

10. Mukendi….3.576 voix

11. Tshisekedi 52.221 voix

Total 381.345 votes tabulated

NORD-KIVU

354 polling stations compiled or 6.63%

1. Andeka….844 voix

2. Bombole…807 voix

3. Kabila…..19.636 voix

4. Kakesa….726 voix

5. Kamerhe…19.472 voix

6. Kashala….631 voix

7. Kengo…..833 voix

8. Mbusa…43.101 voix

9. Mobutu…789 voix

10. Mukendi 630 voix

11. Tshisekedi…27.747 voix

Total 115.216 votes tabulated

SUD-KIVU

319 polling stations compiled or 10.55%

1. Andeka….312 voix

2. Bombole…622 voix

3. Kabila…..80.329 voix

4. Kakesa…568 voix

5. Kamerhe…52.535 voix

6. Kashala…337 voix

7. Kengo….228 voix

8. Mbusa….190 voix

9. Mobutu….2008 voix

10. Mukendi….135 voix

11. Tshisekedi…4.305 voix

Total 141.569 votes tabulated

Click here to get the latest updates on the elections.

Observations From A Youth Leader In Kinshasa

2011-11-29T07:53:00.002-05:00

In polling station number 10002 at the center Bokolo in the Bandalungwa commune a candidate running for the national legislature came into the polling station with ballots in his hands and the population took it as an attempt to cheat. The people snatched the bulletins from him and burnt them. President Kabila's security forces then came on the scene and started firing in the air, dispersed the crowd and arrested people. The police came late after the fracas. The official ballots in the polling station remain untouched.

Congo Elections Unfold Today

2011-11-28T09:04:00.002-05:00

The elections began today on time for most of the nearly 64,000 polling stations. The voting has been an overwhelmingly peaceful undertaking. However, there are areas of disturbances, particularly in opposition strongholds. Join us on Twitter @congofriends for the latest updates.

The Final Countdown To Congo's Elections

2011-11-25T17:21:00.001-05:00

Dr. Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja explores a wide range of issues in the lead up to the November 28 elections following his recent article in The Guardian, entitledCongo's Violent Election Countdown Reflects Rejection of Regime. During his interview with Friends of the Congo, Dr. Nzongola engages in a broad exchange that delves into the following issues:

A comparison of the 2011 elections with the 2006 polls
The idea of Congo as a failed state
Whether or not the Independent Electoral Commision (CENI) is independent
Who makes up the opposition and the formation of a unified front
The role of the international community in the elections
The role of Congo's neighbors
Who is Etienne Tshisekedi and from whence he draws his support
President Joseph Kabila's accomplishments or lack thereof
The implications of a one-round vote and the change in Congo's constitution
The Prospect of violence in the elections
Prospects for development of the Congo
The role of Congolese youth in the future of the country

Click here to listen to Dr Nzongola's interview with Kambale Musavuli, spokesperson of Friends of the Congo. Dr Nzongola is the author of "The Congo:From Leopold to Kabila - A People's History." He is as a professor of African and Afro-American Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

Visit our website for an overview of the elections, latest news, blog updates, audio and video footage, reports from local and international NGOs, the candidates and their
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Elections in the Congo: Are We Headed For An Unmitigated Disaster

2011-11-23T10:12:00.005-05:00

One thing that is clear regarding the November 28th elections in the Congo, is that the country is not prepared to hold the election on this date. Local and International NGOs have issued reports regarding the need to delay the elections so that they can be better organized. As late as a few days before the elections, word is still seeping out that the elections may be delayed or be spread over two days instead of one, however, the President of the Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) remains resolute that there will be no delay and the elections will take place without a hitch on Monday, November 28th.

In spite of the logisitical nightmare that awaits Congolese voters on Monday, the most volatile charges have been made by the opposition political parties. They claim that the CENI has

instituted a lot of fictional polling stations. They claim that polling stations have been placed on the map in places that do not exist and in some cases have been even placed in the offices of political parties, should one go by the electoral maps published by the CENI. The opposition has demanded from the outset an audit of the polling stations. Although CENI has published an electoral map, an audit has not been done and it is too late to do so. Nonetheless, Radio Okapi, the United Nations funded radio station took it upon itself to investiagte some of the fictional polling stations that the oppositon parties have accused the CENI of having produced.

Based on a limited investigation, Radio Okapi has confirmed the nonexistence of several polling stations, 107 fictitious polling stations just in one commune (Selembao) of Kinshasa, which has 24 communes. Radio Okapi also discovered that a number of the addresses published on the CENI's map does not exist at all. In some instances, the locations listed on the CENI electoral map are inaccessible and in other centers the electoral lists are missing.

Much can be said about the upcoming elections but one thing is certain, all the ingredients are in place for a grand mess. One only hopes that the contestations that are certain to come do not descend into all out violence.

Click here to learn more about the elections!

Electoral Commission Says Logistics For the Elections Will be Completed by November 26th

2011-11-21T14:59:00.002-05:00

Daniel Ngoy, President of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) affirmed that the 180,000 ballot boxes were almost all delivered to the 62,000 polling stations. In order to acclerate the process to have all the boxes and ballots delivered in advance of the elections, the CENI has rented 30 helicopters and a dozen air crafts. Angola has offered to provide support with helicopters as well.

The delivery of the 64 million ballots is the main concern for the CENI. South Africa is supposed to deliver the last shipment today. Once the shipment arrives from South Africa, the ballots will then have to be distributed throughout the country.

The President of the CENI has assured the Congolese people that all will be in place and ready to go by November 26th, two days before the polls open for voting on November 28th.

Click here to find out more about the elections!

Whither The Women of the Congo

2011-11-19T14:14:00.004-05:00

Beyond any doubt the women of the Congo have been the primary victims of the instability and conflict that the country has experienced for the past 15 years. Congolese women have been striving to overcome remarkable hardships and tremendous suffering. Probably more than any sector of the Congolese society, the women seek fundamental a radical change. However, as we embark upon the November 28th elections, women appear to have been sidelined. Unlike 2006, no women are represented among the 11 candidates. Overall, there is a 20% drop in the participation of female candidates and a 12% drop in the female electorate.

Although, there has been a decrease in the participation of women in the elections, this does not mean that women are absent from the effort to assure a peaceful and fair election. On October 18th, the women of the Great Lakes Sub-Region issued a declaration that called for preventive diplomacy with the objective of realizing durable peace and security before, during and after the elections.

The women representing Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda and Congo called on the Congolese government to pay special attention to the role of women in the electoral process. Regarding the international community, they requested the establishment of an election monitoring system in the subregion as well as support for women in the electoral process.

Read more about elections!

UK MP Eric Joyce Says Congo Loses $5.5 Billion Due to Shady Deals

2011-11-18T18:40:00.002-05:00

Bloomberg news has reported that Congolese President in cahoots with Israeli businessman Dan Gertler have fleeced the Congolese people of $5.5 billion.

“Elements of the DRC government, in particular the current president, Joseph Kabila, have sold vast mining assets at knock-down prices to various offshore ‘shell’ companies,” Joyce said,citing documents in his possession.

State-owned Congolese copper and cobalt miner Gecamines sold its 20 percent stake in Glencore-operated Mutanda Mining Sprl to Rowny Assets Ltd., an entity “associated” with Israeli mining investor Dan Gertler, according to Glencore’s May prospectus. Biko Invest Corp., another Gertler-linked entity, bought a quarter of neighboring Kansuki Sprl, it said.

Gecamines said it received $137 million for the two stakes, while Mutanda alone may be worth more than $800 million, according to calculations using a valuation conducted by consulting firm Golder Associates in Glencore’s prospectus.

Click here to read press release from British MP Eric Joyce!

Etienne Tshisekedi Shares His Platform

2011-11-18T07:45:00.006-05:00

Leading opposition figure, Etienne Tshisekedi of the UDPS vowed that he would respect the election results or the will of the people provided that the process is free, transparent and equal.

He reiterated that the only way to ascend to power in the Congo is through elections. The democracy that he and his party have fought for over the last 30 years does not support another way of acquiring to power

Tshisekedi laid out his SEVEN point program as follows:

1. Free education for primary, secondary and university students

2. Free health care for citizens over the age of 50

3. Access to water and electricity

4. Building of roads

5. Relaunching of Agriculture

6. Tackle unemployment

7. Fight against corruption

Click here to read more about the elections.

Congo Elections: Voices of the People

2011-11-17T08:11:00.001-05:00

Between scholars, artists, pastors and politicians who actually determines the leading power in the DRC? Pandisha bendera is a powerful reflection on the implications of clashing social factions in the process of negotiating 'democratic' elections...

Congolese Youth Speak Out on the Elections

2011-11-16T09:02:00.001-05:00

Congo Week IV, October 16 - 22, Join The Global Movement

2011-10-10T15:54:00.001-05:00

Dear Friends,

I greet you in the name of the Congolese youth who feel the wind of change in Africa that blew from the youth revolution in Soweto in 1976 in the South to the streets of Cairo this year in the North of the African continent.

As we embark upon the fourth annual Breaking The Silence: Congo Week, October 16 – 22, 2011, I wanted bring you up-to-date on the global movement in support of the Congo.

Congo Week continues to grow both inside and outside of the Congo as people throughout the globe utilize Congo Week to articulate the challenges and potential that exist in the heart of Africa. Since we launched Congo Week in October 2008, over 60 countries and 300 university campuses and communities have joined us in the global call for justice for the people of Congo. Over 200 Congolese organizations reiterated the global appeal for justice, accountability and an end to the impunity by calling for international action on the recommendations of the United Nations Mapping Exercise Report.

Your role in Breaking the Silence by demanding justice for the people is making a difference. More people are becoming informed, educated and engaged. Your actions, no matter how small, are strengthening the resolve of the youth and others inside the Congo who are waging a courageous fight, day and night to bring about peace, stability and human dignity. Knowing that they have the support of people of goodwill throughout the globe makes a tremendous difference.

The key teaching tool for Congo Week IV is Friends of the Congo's short documentary, "Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth." Since its launch over 100,000 people have viewed the film on YouTube and over 1,000 people have downloaded it to view or screen in their homes and communities. Youth throughout the Congo are using the film as a teaching tool during Congo Week; we encourage you to do the same by downloading the film here: http://congojustice.org

The youth of the Congo who represent the majority of the people are encouraging you to continue to support our fight for justice and human dignity. In the past year, youth groups we support have made great strides in strengthening their capacity in their quest to bring about peace and stability in the Congo. We encourage you to participate in our special contest to support the youth of the Congo and their pursuit for social change. http://congoweek.org/congo-week-fundraiser.html

Key Organizers in Japan, Australia, France, Kenya, South Africa, Brazil, Ireland, Italy, United Kingdom, Canada, The United States and many other countries are joining with our partners inside the Congo to call for justice for the people. Organize or participate in an event or activity for Congo Week on your university campus, in your home, religious institution, community center or any other venue in your community. Should you be in New York during Congo Week, join us for Congo in Harlem – a week of film screenings, performances, panel discussions, exhibitions, tributes and special events highlighting Congolese cultures and its people’s contribution to the global community. http://congoinharlem.org

This is an historic opportunity for you to be a part of the global movement to bring an end to what is the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century and the deadliest conflict since World War Two. Seize the moment and become a part of a noble pursuit for justice and human dignity in the heart of Africa, my home, the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Kambale Musavuli
Student Coordinator
Friends of the Congo

Remember to post your event on the events calendar:
http://congoweek.org/component/events/

Share the Congo Week promotional video:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a0AWeWvMkHk

Sign-up for Congo Week!
http://congoweek.org/participation-form.html

Download Congo Week Organizers Tool Kit and Materials:
http://congoweek.org/downloads.html

Support the Congo Week Benefit Concert:
http://www.congoweek.org/congo-week-benefit-concert.html

Participate in the CELL-OUT, on October 21, 2011. The CELL-OUT is a digital moment of silence for the people of the Congo and the usage of our cell phones to mobilize support for the people in their pursuit for social change.
http://congoweek.org/the-cell-out.html

Advocacy in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Stakeholders Conference

2011-10-04T11:29:00.000-05:00

October 5th and 6th, 2011

9:30-11:30 am

Day one: How the Story of Congo Gets Told

Rome Auditorium, Rome Building 1619 Massachusetts Ave

Panel Discussion: 9:30-11:30am

In the past several years, voices from the United States have dominated the conversation on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), creating a tension between the complex situations on the ground in the DRC and the simple messaging that works for advocacy movements in support of the DRC in the US. Additionally, there are questions about who is a legitimate voice in Washington, DC on the behalf of the Congolese. Financial and language barriers often prevent Congolese citizens from speaking on their own behalf in Washington, although members of the Diaspora, US based advocacy organizations, academics, and NGOs attempt to fill this void with their own expertise and opinions. Often these opinions do not fully convey the divergent and complicated feelings of the large and multifaceted population of the DRC. As the DRC is discussed in sound bites, a few dominant narratives emerge. How does the narrative of the Congo get told in Washington? Who gets to speak for Congo?

Speakers:

Laura Seay, Morehouse University and Texasinafrica

Mvemba Dizolele, Stanford University

John Prendergast, The Enough Project (invited)

Kambale Musavuli, Friends of Congo

http://salsa.wiredforchange.com/o/6060/p/salsa/event/common/public/?event_KEY=33208

Day two: Advocacy and the Way Forward

Kenny Auditorium, Nitze Building, 1740 Massachusetts Ave

Panel Discussion: 9:30-11:30am

The DRC presents a complex situation with as many angles as there are stakeholders. In the absence of Congolese voices, stories of the DRC are told by advocacy organizations, NGOs, academics, and the Diaspora. These stories cannot represent the whole, multifaceted reality on the ground, yet they are the basis on which policy makers must rely when deciding on priorities and legislation. Perspectives on the DRC, as they are seen in Washington have had numerous effects in the DRC, both good and bad. Controversial legislation on conflict minerals in Eastern Congo has been said to make living conditions for many people worse while others insist that it has improved the situation for most. The constant focus on rape as a weapon of war in Eastern Congo has dramatically increased services available to survivors but has perverted incentives and prevented women from receiving holistic care. The overall focus on the East has done a great deal to make the DRC into a policy priority, but ignored the failures of Congolese governance that are the root of many of the DRC’s problems. What is the way forward? How can advocacy organizations and all stakeholders work for the best outcomes and avoid unintended negative consequences? Should there be a “Do no harm” policy for advocates on behalf of the DRC?

Speakers:

Adotei Akwei, Amnesty International

Rick Goss, Information Technology Industry Council (ITIC)

Eric Kajemba, Observatoire Gouvernance et Paix (OGP)

Claudine Tsongo, Dynamique de Femmes Juristes

SHOCKING:CONFESSION OF DOWNING OF HABYARIMANA’S PLANE

2011-10-02T07:34:00.000-05:00

By Theogene Rudasingwa

On August 4, 1993, in Arusha, Tanzania, the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front signed the Arusha Peace Agreement. The provisions of the agreement included a commitment to principles of the rule of law, democracy, national unity, pluralism, the respect of fundamental freedoms and the rights of the individual. The agreement further had provisions on power-sharing, formation of one and singles National Army and a new National Gendarmerie from forces of the two warring parties; and a definitive solution to the problem of Rwandan refugees.

On April 6, 1994, at 8:25 p.m., the Falcon 50 jet of the President of the Republic of Rwanda, registration number “9XR-NN”, on its return from a summit meeting in DAR-ES-SALAAM,Tanzania, as it was on approach to Kanombe International Airport in KIGALI, Rwanda, was shot down. All on board, including President Juvenal Habyarimana , President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, their entire entourage and flight crew died.

The death of President Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the start of genocide that targeted Tutsi and Hutu moderates, and the resumption of civil war between RPF and the Government of Rwanda. The RPF’s sad and false narrative from that time on has been that Hutu extremists within President Habyarimana’s camp shot down the plane to derail the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement and to find a pretext to start the genocide in which over 800,000 Rwandans died in just 100 days. This narrative has become a predominant one in some international circles, among scholars, and in some human rights organizations.

The truth must now be told. Paul Kagame, then overall commander of the Rwandese Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front, was personally responsible for the shooting down of the plane. In July, 1994, Paul Kagame himself, with characteristic callousness and much glee, told me that he was responsible for shooting down the plane. Despite public denials, the fact of Kagame’s culpability in this crime is also a public “secret” within RPF and RDF circles. Like many others in the RPF leadership, I enthusiastically sold this deceptive story line, especially to foreigners who by and large came to believe it, even when I knew that Kagame was the culprit in this crime.

The political and social atmosphere during the period from the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993 was highly explosive, and the nation was on edge. By killing President Habyarimana, Paul Kagame introduced a wild card in an already fragile ceasefire and dangerous situation. This created a powerful trigger, escalating to a tipping point towards resumption of the civil war, genocide, and the region-wide destabilization that has devastated the Great Lakes region since then.

Paul Kagame has to be immediately brought to account for this crime and its consequences. First, there is absolutely nothing honorable or heroic in reaching an agreement for peace with a partner, and then stabbing him in the back. Kagame and Habyarimana did not meet on the battlefield on April 6, 1994. If they had, and one of them or both had died, it would have been tragic, but understandable, as a product of the logic of war. President Habyarimana was returning from a peace summit, and by killing him, Kagame demonstrated the highest form of treachery. Second, Kagame, a Tutsi himself, callously gambled away the lives of innocent Tutsi and moderate Hutu who perished in the genocide. While the killing of President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was not a direct cause of the genocide, it provided a powerful motivation and trigger to those who organized, mobilized and executed the genocide against Tutsi and Hutu moderates. Third, by killing President Habyarimana, Kagame permanently derailed the already fragile Arusha peace process in a dangerous pursuit of absolute power in Rwanda. Kagame feared the letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace Agreement. As the subsequent turn of events has now shown, Kagame does not believe in the unity of Rwandans, democracy, respect of human rights and other fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, power sharing, integrated and accountable security institutions with a national character, and resolving the problem of refugees once and for all. This is what the Arusha Peace Agreement was all about. That is what is lacking in Rwanda today. Last, but not least, Kagame’s and RPF’s false narrative, denials, and deceptions have led to partial justice in Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, thereby undermining prospects for justice for all Rwandan people, reconciliation and healing. The international community has, knowingly or unknowingly, become an accomplice in Kagame’s systematic and shameful game of deception.

I was never party to the conspiracy to commit this heinous crime. In fact, I first heard about it on BBC around 1:00 am on April 7, 1994, while I was in Kampala where I had been attending the Pan African Movement conference.

I believe the majority of members of RPF and RPA civilians and combatants, like me, were not party to this murderous conspiracy that was hatched and organized by Paul Kagame and executed on his orders. Nevertheless, I was a Secretary General of the RPF, and a Major in the rebel army, RPA. It is in this regard, within the context of collective responsibility, and a spirit of truth-telling in search of forgiveness and healing, that I would like to say I am deeply sorry about this loss of life, and to ask for forgiveness from the families of Juvenal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean-Pierre Minaberry, and Jean-Michel Perrine. I also ask for forgiveness from all Rwandan people, in the hope that we must unanimously and categorically reject murder, treachery, lies and conspiracy as political weapons, eradicate impunity once and for all, and work together to build a culture of truth-telling, forgiveness, healing, and the rule of law. I ask for forgiveness from the people of Burundi and France whose leaders and citizens were killed in this crime. Above all, I ask for forgiveness from God for having lied and concealed evil for too long.

In freely telling the truth before God and the Rwandan people, I fully understand the risk I have undertaken, given Paul Kagame’s legendary vindictiveness and unquenchable thirst for spilling the blood of Rwandans. It is a shared risk that Rwandans bear daily in their quest for freedom and justice for all. Neither power and fame, nor gold and silver, are the motivation for me in these matters of death that have defined our nation for too long. Truth cannot wait for tomorrow, because the Rwandan nation is very sick and divided, and cannot rebuild and heal on lies. All Rwandans urgently need truth today. Our individual and collective search for truth will set us free. When we are free, we can freely forgive each other and begin to live fully and heal at last.

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa Is a former RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief of Staff for President Paul Kagame.

Anatomy of the Looting of the Congo

2011-09-28T11:44:00.000-05:00

Are you still wondering how Congo is looted and who the biggest criminals are? Gecamines sold its 20 percent share of the Mutanda copper and cobalt project earlier this year for $137 million, according to its submission to the IMF. The stake was bought by Rowny Assets Ltd., a British Virgin Islands-registered entity “associated” with Gertler, according to the Glencore prospectus. Read entire article here: http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-09-28/imf-asks-congo-for-explanation-on-state-mining-assets-sale.html

Seeing No Evil in the Congo

2011-08-09T04:05:00.004-05:00

The United States and its allies, Rwanda and Uganda, have played a significant role in the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century.

Do you have a smart phone? A laptop? Then you play a role in the violence that occurs in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Cell phones, laptops, and other electronics don't work very well without the mineral coltan. In the Democratic Republic of Congo poor farmers are gathered by armed gangs and enslaved to dig coltan out of the ground.

On June 30, the Institute's Foreign Policy In Focus project, Friends of The Congo, Congo Global Action, and Africa Faith & Justice Network co-sponsored a screening of Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth at the Reeves Center in downtown Washington. As the crowd of over 100 people gathered in the conference room there was excitement about the film as well as chatter about becoming a “friend of the Congo.”

The film explores U.S. influence on the humanitarian crisis in Congo and argues that U.S. actions and the lack thereof have fueled violence and the exploitation of natural resources there. While Congo has experienced turmoil for over 100 years, violence significantly increased after it gained independence from Belgium in 1960. Congo’s first Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, dreamed of democracy as well as total emancipation for his country. However, this has proven to be a dream deferred indefinitely as western powers systematically support the nation's destabilization. In 1961, the United States and Belgium conspired to assassinate Lumumba because he refused to conform to western ideals.

After the assassination, the United States supported Congolese dictator Mobutu a corrupt leader who committed numerous human rights violations. Washington ultimately discontinued its support for him but has continued to sponsor other Congolese dictatorships that exploit citizens.

Furthermore, the United States and United Nations have failed to respond to attacks by Ugandanand Rwandan troops on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Rival war lords such as James Kabarebe of Rwanda and James Kazini of Uganda frequently raid Congo, rape the women, massacre entire communities, and help themselves to the country’s natural resources. In the war in Congo, 6 million people have been killed. No action is taken to investigate and penalize offenders.

According to Congolese human rights activist Kambale Musavuli, President Barack Obama understands that it is imperative to help Congo. As a senator, Obama wrote a comprehensive law, the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006 (pdf), to support Congo. Section 105 of this legislation states, “The Secretary of State is authorized to withhold assistance made available under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, other than humanitarian, peacekeeping, and counterterrorism assistance, for a foreign country if the Secretary determines that the government of the foreign country is taking actions to destabilize the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” However, the U.S. continues to support Rwanda and Uganda despite clear evidence of their attacks on the Congolese.

The film includes footage of a speech President Obama delivered two years ago in Ghana, in which he said: “Africa needs strong institutions, not strong men.” How true. That's why the U.S. government must stop ignoring corruption and supporting war lords.

Timeka Smith is an intern at the Institute for Policy Studies.

Congolese from Chicago plans a rally against Rwandan President General Paul Kagame on Saturday, June 11, 2011

2011-06-08T22:45:00.000-05:00

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE!!!!

The Congolese people from Chicago, Illinois, would like to invite you to come join them this Saturday, June 11, 2011 for a public protest against the presence of the Rwandan President, General Paul Kagame.

Paul Kagame has single-handedly been pointed as the person responsible for the instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo in order to enrich himself and his cronies by the UN Mapping Report on Congo published in October 2010.

Paul Kagame’s actions in the Congo have resulted in the death of 5 million Congolese people according to the United Nations and various humanitarian organizations.

Paul Kagame has provided support to various Congolese rebels who have enlisted child soldiers in their militia and raped women such as Laurent Nkunda.

Paul Kagame has stated that he will not extradite the notorious militia man, Laurent Nkunda, to the Congo or any international tribunal so that he could face justice because Nkunda is his personal guest in Rwanda.

A study published in the American Journal of Public Health in May 2011 concluded that more than 400,000 woman and girls between the ages of 15 to 49 were raped in the Democratic Republic of Congo over a 12-month period in 2006 and 2007 or an average of 48 women and girls are raped every hour.

If you do not approve what General Kagame has done to the Congolese people, join us at the Hyatt Regency Hotel, 151 East Wacker Drive, Chicago, IL 60601, at 10:00 am to express your indignation for the atrocities he has committed in the Congo and your disapproval of his presence in Chicago.

For further details contact:

Wilma 630 456 0039

Jimmy Batila
Congolese Community of Chicago
President
Jbatila@congochicago.com
www.congochicago.com
1-888-809-9956

Congo: Pathological Prism of Rape

2011-05-17T09:04:00.003-05:00

Coup Attempt in Kinshasa?

2011-02-27T11:24:00.011-05:00

Radio Okapi reports that shots were fired this afternoon near the residence of president Joseph Kabila behind the grand Hotel of Kinshasa in the Gombe Commune. People living in the neighborhood were blocked from entering their homes and road blocks were set up on all roads leading to the president's residence.

Reporters observed a significant deployment of the Republican Guard who is responsible for the security of the president. A team of military police have also been deployed near camp Kokolo.

Congo's Minister of Communications, Lambert Mende said on national television that a non identifiable group of commandos attacked the residence of the head of state. He stated that the group was repelled by the presidential guard and calm has returned. Reports say six of the assailants were killed and others were injured and arrested.

Although the international press has reported an attempted coup and six people being killed, we must be extremely cautious. The international press received its information from the Congo's information sic. communication minister Lambert Mende, who is not the most credible source. It has been reported to FOTC that one person was killed and the others have not been found. It is not out of the realm of possibility that this was a staged event by the regime to foment fear among the population and set the stage for increased repression and tightening of the political space leading up to the November elections.

DR Congo: Six killed in 'coup bid' against Kabila
BBC

Deaths in DRC 'failed coup attempt'
Al Jazeera

Six dead in failed coup attempt - DR Congo
Reuters

Congressional Briefing to Address Justice and stability in the Congo and Great Lakes Region of Africa

2011-02-22T08:50:00.000-05:00

The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNOHCHR) released the official “Report of the Mapping Exercise" in October 2010. The report documents "the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003”.

Human Rights Watch executive director, Kenneth Roth says: "If followed by strong regional and international action, this report could make a major contribution to ending the impunity that lies behind the cycle of atrocities in the Great Lakes region of Africa."

Philip J. Crowley, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Public Affairs said: “The United States is firmly committed to helping the DRC and other nations in the region take positive steps to end the corrosive cycle of violence and impunity.”

The United States has a key role to play in making sure that justice is delivered to the people of Central Africa. US tax dollars fund US allies, Rwanda and Uganda who are deeply implicated in mass atrocities, crimes against humanity, war crimes and possibly genocide in the Congo.

The American taxpayers should be assured that their tax dollars are not supporting mass atrocities in Africa and perpetuating a war, which has killed an estimated 6 million people, making it the deadliest conflict since World War II. The Congressional briefing can serve as a first step in delivering justice to the people in the heart of Africa.

Who: African Great Lakes Advocacy Coalition (Africa Faith and Justice Network, Friends of the Congo, Foreign Policy in Focus, African Great Lakes Action Network, Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation, Foundation for Freedom and Democracy in Rwanda, Congo Global Action Coalition, International Humanitarian Law Institute of St. Paul, Mobilization for Peace and Justice in Congo)

What: Briefing on the UN Mapping Exercise Report and its Implications for US Policy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region

Speakers:
Brian Endless, Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation
Bahati Jacques, Africa Faith and Justice Network 
Nita Evele, Congo Global Action Coalition 
Professor Nii Akuetteh, Founder, The Democracy & Conflict Research Institute, DCRI; and Founding Executive Director of OSIWA 
Emira Woods, Foreign Policy in Focus at the Institute of Policy Studies

When: 2 P.M. – 4 P.M. Wednesday, March 2, 2011   

Where: Room 2226 Rayburn House Office Building
45 Independence Ave SW
Washington, DC 20515

RSVP: events@friendsofthecongo.org or 202-584-6512
Contacts: Friends of the Congo
Phone: 202-584-6512

For more information, please visit www.friendsofthecongo.org or www.afjn.org

Rwanda, Congo and the Great Lakes A Battle of Narratives

2011-02-17T15:23:00.002-05:00

The past few months have witnessed a shift in the narrative by some of Paul Kagame's staunchest supporters. Most notably, Stephen Kinzer in a 180 degree turnaround stated in the Guardian of London that "President Kagame should accept the possibility that his judgment may not always be correct, and listen earnestly to Rwandans with different ideas. He still has the chance to enter history as one of the greatest modern African leaders. There is also the chance, however, that he will be remembered as another failed African big-man, a tragic figure who built the foundations of a spectacular future for his country, but saw his achievements collapse because he could not take his country from one-man rule toward democracy." Read entire article here.

Another one of Paul Kagame's key intellectual supporter, Philip Gourevitch, recently came under scrutiny by Tristan McConnell in the Columbia Journalism Review in an article entitled "One Man's Rwanda." The article unleashed a debate between McConnell, Gourevitch and Howard French. Such a debate would not receive such prominence five years ago, this is certainly a sign that the hold that Paul Kagame has had on American intellectuals who have carried water for him since 1994 is weakening.

Congo's Egypt, February 16, Sixteen Years Ago

2011-02-16T12:09:00.006-05:00

On February 16, 1993, at least one million Congolese of all ages participated in the "March of Hope" in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, formerly Zaire. They demanded the resumption of the Sovereign National Conference (CNS), which was brutally interrupted by the US-backed dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. The Conference marked the beginning of political change, and the end of fear and silence. People were willing to die to end the dictatorship.

Unfortunately for the Congolese people, the CNS failed to achieve its goal of non-violently getting rid of the US-backed dictator, Mobutu. It also failed to set up a viable political framework for transition to democracy.

In spite of the CNS failures, Dr Nzongola Ntlaja said that it accomplished a lot in that "more than any other national conference in Africa, the CNS did a rather thorough job in examining the country's past and in adopting a new vision or societal project for the future."

Congolese continue to yean to control their own affairs and excavate themselves from a brutal war imposed on them by US allies Rwanda and Uganda (1996 - 2002). The youth of the Congo appeal to supporters outside Congo to challenge the foreign policy of Western nations that back and maintain strongmen at the expense of the people. In addition, the youth call for a solidarity movement that supports their efforts inside Congo to bring about peaceful and lasting change in the heart of Africa.

How Uganda's President Museveni Created Kill-The-Gays Mentality

2011-02-02T10:34:00.002-05:00

The murder of David Kato, a gay rights activist in Uganda who was bludgeoned with a hammer, can be laid directly on the doorsteps of the country's dictator of 25 years Gen. Yoweri K. Museveni who for years has been publicly vilifying homosexuals.

It's one thing to accept that in Uganda, as in most African countries, with conservative traditional and cultural values, homosexuality is taboo--denied, hidden, rejected and denounced. It's altogether reprehensible, abhorrent, and completely unacceptable, when a country's president incites the population against a segment of its own citizenry, especially one that is already ostracized.

That's precisely what's been happening in Uganda--clearing the path for the killing of Kato, a spokesman for Sexual Minorities Uganda and a noted human rights activist.

Uganda gained quite a bit of negative global publicity last year when a member of parliament from Gen. Museveni's National Resistance Movement (NRM) ruling party introduced legislation to make homosexuality punishable by death. After calls from the Prime ministers of Britain and Canada, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, urging him to have the proposed Bill scrapped, Gen. Museveni, during a meeting of his NRM stalwarts, urged legislators to "go slow" on the Bill, which he said had now become a "foreign policy" issue.

According to the President's own official website in Uganda, Gen. Museveni said the proposal was "brought as a private members bill to Parliament" by Bahati, and not by his government. Gen. Museveni, on his website also claims that "in his conversation with US secretary of State Clinton, he said he had heard that homosexuals come from Europe and recruit young people using money, something she described as exploitation."

It would be interesting to compare Secretary Clinton's own recollection of that conversation with general Museveni's account.

As a natural progression of David Bahati's hate campaign, last year, a Ugandan tabloid newspaper, Rolling Stone, published the names, photographs and addresses of suspected homosexuals --including Kato's-- with a yellow banner saying "hang them." The editor of the paper Giles Muhame said it was in the "public interest," even though attacks on suspected gays were reported after the publication--he also called on people to report those believed to be homosexual to the police.

Yet, Gen. Museveni's attempt to distance himself from Bahati's proposed execute-the-gays Bill or the publisher of Rolling Stone's lynching campaign, is disingenuous. For years, the dictator himself had been preaching hatred towards homosexuals.

Here are a sampling of his own utterances:

"I have told the Criminal Investigations Department to look for homosexuals, lock them up and charge them," The New Vision, Uganda's government-owned daily newspaper quoted the general saying, in an article on September 29, 1999. "God created Adam and Eve...I did not see God creating man and man."

And according to local Uganda media and human rights organization's accounts, in subsequent weeks there were indeed arrests of several suspected homosexuals; some were tortured and locked up for weeks by the secret police. Some victims described being kicked and slapped until they bled, made to urinate on each other, having skin peeling chemicals poured on their skin, or made to sleep in the same room with corpses; some were reportedly allowed to be raped by other inmates.

Even students reported being publicly caned in front of their peers and then expelled from school for suspected of being homosexual.

On August 17, 2008, under the headline "Museveni backs church against gays," The New Vision reported that during the consecration of a Bishop, Gen. Museveni, speaking against homosexuality, said: “I salute the Archbishop and bishops of Africa for resisting disorientation and a decadent culture.." being passed by Western nations.

“Don’t fear, resist and do not compromise on that. It is a danger not only to the believers but to the whole of Africa. It is bad if our children become complacent and think that people who are not in order are alright," he is quoted as saying. Dr. Kizza Besigye, leader of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) opposition party who was also attending the consecration ceremony reportedly walked out.

Yet, who could blame people like David Bahati and the publisher of Rolling Stone newspaper, who might have seen themselves as Ugandan "heroes" and "saviors" following such pronouncements by their president. Especially when the president has now been in office for a quarter century and recently said, regardless of the outcome of the Feb. 18, 2011 presidential elections, that he does not intend to cede power.

Yet Gen. Museveni remains a favorite of some Western leaders, including in Washington and London.

As recently as June 3, 2010 under the headline "Museveni warns on dangers of sodomy," The New Vision reported that Gen. Museveni "asked the clergy and African leaders to guard against Western culture, warning that the continent will end up eaten by homosexuality if they relax."

The newspaper quoted him saying: “The African Church is the only one that is still standing against homosexuality. The Europeans are finished. If we follow them, we shall end up in Sodom and Gomorrah.” The newspaper said Museveni also spoke about the “dehumanisation of people through homosexuality.”

African traditional values and conservatism aside, Uganda's dictator has undeniably through the presidential pulpit fostered the kind of hate and impunity which gave rise to David Bahati, the publisher of Rolling Stone, and now the killer of David Kato.

Even after Kato's murder, Muhame, Rolling Stone's editor today told a Ugandan newspaper: “He brought death upon himself. He hasn’t lived carefully. Kato was a shame to this country.”

No; it's Bahati, Muhame, and Museveni who are a shame to Uganda.

"Speaking Truth To Empower."

By Milton Alamadi of Black Star News

ASADHO Condemns Political Intolerance Fostered by the Congolese Government

2011-02-01T10:31:00.004-05:00

PRESS RELEASE NO 02/ASADHO/2011

"ASADHO condemns political intolerance fostered by the Congolese government on the eve of general elections in DR Congo"

The African Association for Defense of Human Rights (ASADHO), is alarmed by a series of intimidation, arrests and repression against members of the political opposition by the Government of the DRC.

Indeed, these are listed following cases:

1) On January 9, 2011, meeting of members of political opposition in the Congo Room of the Grand Hotel in Kinshasa has been banned without giving any reason;

2) An event scheduled to take place January 7, 2011 by the political party Congolese Union for the Nation (UNC) led by Mr. President Vital Kamerhe was banned for reasons not stated.

To recall, during his political tour in order to implement the provincial federations of his party Union pour la Nation in eastern Congo country, Vital Kamerhe, was banned from holding a rally in downtown Goma in the province North Kivu without reason;

3) The arrest in Kindu December 16, 2010 of party members including Mr. Vital Kamerhe Clement Kapay Lukembe Muchapé and Daniel, both charged with implementing the party in the localities and Kibombo Kabambare

The arrest of Mr Ndongala, National President of Christian Democracy party (DC). On tour in the preparation of the congress of his party, Mr. Eugene Ndongala, was arrested Jan. 13, 2011 in Moanda by elements of the Congolese National Police based on a procedural violation. On January 14, 2011, he was prosecuted before the Court of Peace Moanda, for alleged assault and simple assault and contempt and sentenced to five months' imprisonment and a fine of 100,000 Congolese Francs. On January 15, 2011, he was transferred to the prison of Boma, where he is detained to date. His bodyguard was also arrested and his property (telephones) were taken away.

5) For his part, Mr. Freddy Kita, Secretary General of the party "DC" in Kinshasa said he received Monday, January 24, 2011 threats by a stranger on the phone, saying: "this time you will see what will happen to you "

6) The refusal by the notary of the city of Kinshasa to authenticate the revised statutes of the party Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS);

According to information received by ASADHO, the new statutes of the party Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), adopted at its first ordinary congress held in Kinshasa in December 2010, presented by the Secretary General of that party to be notarized in this month of January 2011 have been rejected by the Notary of the Town of Kinshasa.

ASADHO notes while we are heading towards elections later this year, members of the political opposition are being arrested, intimidated, threatened and punished or banned demonstrations by the security services of the DRC in violation of the Constitution.

The Government's attitude is not likely to guarantee free elections, democratic and fair to all political parties.

ASADHO condemns this political intolerance and recalls that under Article 60 of the Constitution, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms are necessary for public authorities and any person.

Given the foregoing, ASADHO recommends:

• To the President of the Republic:

- The unconditionally release of all political opponents are jailed.

• To the Congolese Government:

- Ensure the safety of members of political opposition and allow them to freely hold their meetings and other public events in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.

- Take necessary measures to ensure that all elections to be held in the DR Congo be free, democratic and fair.

• To MONUSCO

- Include in its plans for 2011, protection of opposition candidates in the elections of 2011.

• Political Parties

- Do not give in to threats and intimidation, but continue to exercise their rights under the provisions of the Constitution.

Kinshasa, January 31, 2011

ASADHO

For information, contact:
Master Jean Claude Katende: National President
Telephone (00243) 811 729 908

Master George Kapiamba: National Vice President
Telephone (00243) 814 043 641

"Floribert Chebeya did not die for nothing. Continue the struggle for Human Rights ".

http://dc-kin.net/info/2011/01/31/communique-de-presse-n% c2% b002asadho2011 du 31012011liberez les-political opponents, imprisoned /

African Association for the Defense of Human Rights (ASADHO)
B.P.16737
KINSHASA 1
D. R. Congo

Ambassdor Meece Presents at Woodrow Wilson Center

2011-01-28T10:07:00.004-05:00

Ambassador Roger Meece, UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for the Democratic Republic of the Congo gave a presentation in Washington, DC at the Wilson Center on Thursday, January 27, 2011.

The topic of the talk was “Elections and Peace Consolidation: Prospects and Challenges in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”

Ambassador Meece provided information that was not widely available. He blew a big hole in the central argument of the Congolese government about why they had to change the constitution so that presidential elections could be one round instead of two. The government argued that they were changing the constitution and electoral law from two rounds to one round in order to save the country money and that the elections would cost $700 million. Ambassador Meece said the 2011 elections would actually cost about $240 million.

Ambassador Meece made two other key points that FOTC took note of. He cautioned the audience that analysts, policy makers, activists, etc do not sufficiently take into account the domestic political context and the role of local political actors when analyzing the Congo and proposing prescriptions to bring about positive change. This is a contention that Congolese have made throughout the 16 years of conflict and instability in the Congo.

A second key point that Ambassador Meece delved into with aplomb was the vaunted silver bullet of Security Sector Reform (SSR). He called upon observers, policy analysts and activists to be more creative when it comes to the issue of SSR. He contends that talking about an overall SSR plan is not particularly useful or constructive but SSR must be unpacked and broken out into different areas or sectors for example, police, justice and military.

Ambassador Meece’s caution and reminders were timely. As one local NGO states outsiders make prescriptions as if there is a Congo without Congolese.

DRC Elections: Indifference is the Enemy

2011-01-27T13:07:00.002-05:00

On 16 December 2010, I was observing the roads around Bukavu, and was impressed by the thousands of people who had come to welcome Vital Kamerhe. Two days before, in Kinshasa, Kamerhehad resigned from the People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD) and his parliamentary seat, in order to announce his candidacy for the 2011 presidential elections on behalf of the UNC (Union for the Congolese Nation). The previous week, the legendary opponent Etienne Tshisekedi had returned to Kinshasa after a three year absence. On 11 December, the UDPS (Union for Democracy and Social Progress) named him its candidate for the same elections.These leaders’ “Joyeuses Entrees” and candidacies rallied many people, to whom events seemed to be leading towards an electoral contest between participants with different visions and plans for society.

I was in the middle of a visit to the east, and was concerned by the wall of indifference regarding the elections. People do not feel the elections relate to them, and are disappointed by the few palpable results of the 2006 elections in their daily lives. It is certain that they will register to vote. In a country which for a long time has not issued bona fide identity documents, a polling card is an important document. However, many of the people I saw will not vote.

This lack of interest was all the more worrying when seen alongside the trend towards disintegration that dominates the country. The FARDC remains very undisciplined. Various armed actors continue to recruit, with the CNDP doing so more quickly than others. During 2010, the Congo seems to have evolved from a “post-conflict climate to one of pre-conflict”. I am neither an activist nor partisan in Congolese politics, but the mobilisation around the leaders of the opposition pleased me. It proved that it was possible to interest the population in the res publica

Since mid-January, the situation has changed. The constitutional revision that has taken place means, amongst other things, that the presidential elections will be carried out in a single round. From an immediate perspective, it seems as if this revision is designed to protect the political arena. Stepping back, it is a step towards the evolution of the semi-presidential system of the 2005 constitution to a centralising presidentialism (in terms of justice, control of the provinces, etc.)

It is EurAc’s opinion that the second electoral cycle, which is crucial for the consolidation of the democratisation process, is no less important than that of 2006. The Congo will never leave its insecurity behind unless the Congolese State is strengthened, including its instruments through which to guarantee the state of law and good governance. The elections will only have a chance if massive participation by citizens contributes to maximum legitimacy of the results and a strong mandate for the elected institutions. This will not be possible without the formation of an informed electorate or without a firm commitment to hold grassroots elections, as local elections must play an essential role in the rehabilitation of governance in the DRC. The political arena must ensure the protection of civil society and the independence of the press.

The international community’s interest in the peace process and democratisation seems less in 2011 than in 2006. The indifference of the international community, and of a disillusioned population, may jeopardize the progress made on the long road walked since transition and the installation of the Third Republic.

Kris Berwouts, Director
EURAC

Friendly Tyrants of the United States

2011-01-26T09:46:00.001-05:00

I adore Roger Cohen's writing. And it is not just the quality of the writing itself. Roger's deep appreciation of soccer, his South African roots, his understanding of Africa and love of the US all contribute significantly.

However this particular essay is disappointing. Reason: He joins the rest of the MSM in hiding from readers the most important fact about the Tunisian revolution: The ousted dictator was propped up by the US, one of many "friendly tyrants" especially in the Arab world and in Africa.

In the Arab world, the US, "for 60 years sacrificed democracy in order to maintain stability but wound up with neither." Says who? Says George Bush 43 and Condi Rice.

In Africa the situation is grimmer. The US greeted African independence by helping to murder Patrice Lumumba 50 years ago and then installing Joseph Mobutu on the Congo. With Western protection, he proceeded to bring a vast, very rich country to its knees while personally becoming extremely rich and corrupt.

Fifty years later the Cold War is over and the US president, the son of an African has declared that "Africa does not need strongmen, it needs strong institutions."

Sadly Washington is still propping up dictators across Africa. Zenawi in Ethiopia and Museveni in Uganda are pretty bad.

However because of hagiographic mythology and powerful friends, Kagame of Rwanda is the most dangerous of America's "friendly tyrants" in Africa.

Mr. Cohen these are important facts you must tell your readers, especially Americans. Thank you.

Nii Akuetteh
Africa Analyst
Washington, DC

Patrice Lumumba: 50 Years Later, Remembering the U.S.-Backed Assassination of Congo's First Democrat

2011-01-21T14:09:00.004-05:00

Lumumba Resources

50th Anniversary Commemoration videos, articles, speeches and other materials

Read biography of Patrice Lumumba

Purchase Patrice Lumumba -shirts

Commemoration Articles:

Tribute to Patrice Lumumba on the 50th anniversary of his assassination
By Carlos Martinez
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/70254

Rumba, Lumumba and I
By Awino Okech
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/70249

Patrice Lumumba: The rise and assassination of an African patriot
By Cameron Duodu
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/70268

Snapshots of Lumumba
By Chambi Chachage
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/70210

Lumumba and war politics in the Congo
By Okello Oculi
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/70255

Lumumba’s ideal and the symbolism of his life
By Lyn Ossome
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/70261

50 years after Lumumba: The burden of history
By Horace Campbell
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/70252

Dedicated to the memory and spirit of Patrice Emery Lumumba

2011-01-16T20:02:00.002-05:00

Patrice Lumumba

Dedicated to the memory and spirit of Patrice Emery Lumumba
(2 July 1925–17 January 1961)

The soldiers stole you and two others
into the back of a truck
in the middle of the night
put you in a bag tied up your beaten bloody body with rope
sweating as they drove you into the middle of the country
Katanga Province, Africa
in a far off field
where there were no lights
where you could not see anything
they assassinated you and two ministers Okito and Mpolo

they attacked to kill you
they ripped apart your body
scattering it bone by bone across the fields
so that the blood mixed with the earth
they hid you and they hid their murder of you
they thought that by doing this your spirit would break
they thought that by doing this your memory would be broken

but a week before the killing you had written to your wife,
“I prefer to die with my head unbowed, my faith unshakable,
and with profound trust in the destiny of my country.”

Patrice Lumumba – born in the village of Onalua in Kasai province,
the Congo
you called for an independent country in those stuffy halls
where people taunted you with their visciousness
you were not afraid to speak the truth
because you knew that a village, a country, perhaps even
the world would remember your words

the night knows your secrets
the way you envisioned a united Africa
Lumumba
something about your spirit moves me
across these many years
in a land far away
something about your very presence on this earth moves
me to tears
just as your mother stood outside her small house
as the sky was changing to dusk
stood crying into hands which could not stop the tears
from falling, dripping onto the earth
so that a river of tears fell at her feet

Lumumba
Lumumba
your name should become a chant for all free thinking people
you who longed for a corruption free politics
who took pride in every step you walked
for a free independent Congo you said
and those words became sacred chant for your people

they wanted your name to be forgotten
they wanted your warrior feeling to be cast out
they wanted to stamp on your vision
but it is not forgotten Lumumba
Lumumba
your mother weeping into her cupped hands
the tears filling her face her neck her body
Lumumba
your name is not erased from our history books
but bought back to life
and lived…

European Parliament Subcommittee Hearing on Human Rights in DRC: Natural Resources

2011-01-11T20:15:00.001-05:00

Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Assassination of Lumumba

2011-01-10T15:20:00.003-05:00

January 17, 2011 is the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Congo’s first democratically elected Prime Minister, Patrice Emery Lumumba. Friends of the Congo (FOTC) will commemorate the 50th anniversary by joining justice seekers throughout the globe who will be showing films, holding rallies, and organizing teach-ins and forums to commemorate the life and ideas of Patrice Lumumba.

FOTC will encourage its supporters, which span over 50 countries and 300 university campuses and communities throughout the globe, to participate in the commemoration by showing films on Lumumba.

Friends of Congo will also join in solidarity with the family of Patrice Lumumba in calling for justice for the people of Congo. We appeal to all justice seeking people throughout the globe to join in this worldwide call in support of the Congolese people’s quest for justice.

In the United States the anniversary falls on the same day as the official celebration of Dr. Martin Luther King’s birthday. Dr. King famously said, “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” We appeal to the disciples of Dr. King to join us in calling for justice in the Congo.

Click here for more information on the commemoration.

New York

Monday, January 17, 2011
7:30 PM
Maysles Cinema
343 Lenox Ave/Malcolm X Blvd.
New York, NY 10027

In honor of the 50th anniversary of the tragic assassination of
Patrice Lumumba on January 17th, 1961 the Maysles Cinema presents, in
partnership with Friends of the Congo, the true story of the rise to
power and brutal assassination of the legendary leader of independent
Congo, Patrice Lumumba.

The screening of Lumumba will be followed by a panel discussion featuring:
Kambale Musavuli, Spokesperson, Friends of the Congo
Lubangi Muniania Samar Al-Bulushi will moderate the discussion.

Contact: Phone: 212-582-6050 x221 or email: info@friendsofthecongo.org
Http://friendsofthecongo.org

Washington DC Event:

Film & Discussion: Lumumba

Time: 5 - 7:30 PM

Where: Sankofa Books & Videos

Contact: Friends of Congo info@friendsofthecongo.org or 202-584-6512

Website: Friendsofthecongo.org

American Youth Make Appeal on Behalf of Congo

2011-01-07T11:50:00.003-05:00

Increasingly, American youth are taking a stand in support of the people of Congo by calling on world leaders to become more engaged in bringing an end to the suffering in the Congo.

Join these young people in the video and become a part of the global movement.

Interview With Kambale Musavuli

2011-01-05T15:51:00.003-05:00

1. There is war in the Congo: who are the major forces involved in the actual fighting?

The major forces directly involved are various rebel groups. However, behind some of the rebel groups is neighboring countries, particularly Rwanda who supports one of the major rebel groups and use them as proxies to destabilize and loot the Congo. Ultimately, The United Sates and Britain are behind Rwanda and Uganda, the two countries that unleashed the killings in the Congo through two invasions (1996 & 1998). The two countries could not have waged the war that they have in the Congo without financial, military and intelligence support from the United States and the United Kingdom.

2. There is a lot of talk about women's rights that have stemmed from the ongoing conflicts there. The sentiment seems to be that the patriarchal aspect of the culture that existed there before colonial times is the cause of the current abuse against women. Most of the reports on this issue listed on the website seem to have been drafted by women. As a Congolese man, what is your perspective?

I take deep concern about the use of the words "women's rights" given that it makes it seem as another problem we have to deal with. I believe that women's rights are human rights. If we understand that it is in fact human rights, we should be pan outraged every day about the conditions women have to endure, not just as a female, but as a human being.

We should also remember that Africans had a matriarchal system before the heavy influence of colonial powers. As a Congolese man, I recognize that on the global level patriarchy has caused many issues in terms of power and control that have affected tremendously our women. We, as men in this world, have to do a better job protecting the ones who have given us life and have made sure we are strong men in this society.

We also cannot forget that in the case of the Congo, we forget that while women are being destroyed, men also are being raped and castrated, all in an attempt to intimidate the local population and move them away from areas rich of mineral resources.

To address your question in the context of violence against women, one must remember the vital role women play in the African society. If you destroy a woman, you destroy many families thus the whole society. Women in Africa are the caretakers and the backbone of the whole entire community. Once destroyed, it becomes easy to get access to the land. In Congo, gender-based violence is directly connected to the conflict raging throughout the country. To stop it, one must stop the conflict. To stop the conflict, actions must be taken to stop the resource exploitation of the Congo.

3. There is a lot on the website about spreading the word and for people to put pressure on government entities to resolve this issue. At the same time, the interests of these governments are what continue to fuel the conflicts. Therefore, the solutions drafted by the UN, etc seem to pay mere lip service to the issue at hand. What do you see as a way that the Congolese themselves can end this conflict and rebuild a peaceful and harmonious society.

You are right. The United Nations and western governments have paid lip service to the demands of the Congolese people. It is not in there interest to change the manner in which they have been engaged in the Congo. They would like to maintain the Congo in a state of impoverishment and dependency for generations to come. As long as American citizens do not challenge their government's policies abroad, it will be much harder for weak states such as the Congo to determine and control their own affairs. A significant part of the reason Congo is in its current situation is because the United States has played a role in the assassination of Congo's first elected Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba; installed and maintained the dictator Mobutu Sese Seko for over three decades, backed the invasions of the Congo by Rwanda and Uganda and continued its practice of propping up strongmen in Africa at the expense of the people.

Remember, Congo's challenge is both internal and external. American citizens must challenge US foreign policy just as they did during the anti-apartheid movement. Remember, your government is counting on its citizens being silent and not caring about what happens to Black people in Africa. It is for this reason we are calling on the American public to be engaged.

As it relates to what the Congolese people can do and are doing. We suffer from over 125 years of slavery, colonialism, assassinations, dictatorship and imposed wars, therefore, our institutions have been weakened and made deficient. We are in the process of strengthening our institutions so that we can protect the interests of our people. Throughout our history, many figures have symbolized our struggle to control our own affairs.

Your solidarity from the outside, will help create space so that we can realize the generational pursuit of controlling our own affairs. If we were left to our own devices and all we had to do was deal with our own elites, we would have dealt with them long ago but we have to fight against our own elites and the financing, military training and arms that is provided to them from countries like the United States.

In the final analysis, if Americans hold their government accountable, it will accelerate the liberation of the Congo.

4. There seems to be a lot of involvement of the Hutus and Tutsis who were also involved in the Rwanda Genocide. What is the connection between the Genocide in Rwanda and the Genocide in the Congo and what is the continued role played by the Hutus and Tutsis throughout?

Ethnicity has to be part of the equation in analyzing the situation in the Congo. However, the predominant driving factor for the divisions along ethnic lines is the drive for power. You have select groups who want to acquire power at any cost and they use ethnicity as a means for achieving power. This is essentially what happened in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and that has spilled over into the Congo. So we have to be careful and place ethnicity in its right place. An elder shared with me a while ago that "if Religion was an ethnicity, that is what people would have used to gain power in Rwanda." The pursuit for power at any cost is the predominant reason for the conflict and instability in the Great Lakes region of Africa.

Day of the Martyrs of Independence

2011-01-04T16:15:00.004-05:00

January 4th is a seminal day in Congo’s history, which serves as a national holiday. On January 4, 1959, Congolese stood in defiance of Belgian colonialism demanding independence. Congolese in Kinshasa unleashed an uprising out of frustration against the repressive Belgian colonial regime. Several hundred people died in the riots that grew out of what was otherwise a peaceful march organized by one of the leading voices at the time (ABAKO).

Nine days later the King of Belgium announced that in due time Belgium would grant Congo full independence. In the conscience of the nation, the day represents the historic point of departure for the independence of the Congo from Belgian colonialism.

The courageous stance by that generation of Congolese served as a key catalyst for Congo’s independence in 1960. Since the 1960s Congolese have celebrated and commemorated that generation’s actions and named the day “la journée des martyrs de l’indépendance.” Without a doubt, Congolese of that era made enormous sacrifice for freedom and independence. This begs the question – what sacrifice are the Congolese youth of today making for the future of the sons and daughters of the Congo?

Click here for more information on January 4, 1959

New Year's Message to the Congolese Youth

2011-01-03T11:01:00.002-05:00

On this New Year’s day, the Congolese youth of America wishes you a wonderful new year in 2011. May it be a prosperous and successful one that brings us closer to peace in our country.

I write to the youth, men and women, to remind you of the prophetic message of our elders who worked tirelessly and made the ultimate sacrifice for us to be called not only African, but also Congolese united in the effort to rebuild the land of our ancestors.

When Patrice Lumumba sent his appeal to the Congolese youth in the 1960s, he realized that without the youth, the future of the Congo would not be guaranteed. Our youth long asleep, long exploited, he said, must understand their role as the vanguard of the peaceful revolution and the salvation of the Congo.

Living in the United States, we have been able to learn how Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., at the age of 26, began his illustrious work for equality of the black man and woman here in the West. The same is true for our Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, age 34, who embarked upon the task of leading a country the size of Western Europe. We cannot forget our brother Steve Biko in South Africa who also fought against the apartheid regime by mobilizing the youth in his country and was assassinated at age 30. I would not do justice to the history of our country if I do not invoke the name of Kimpa Vita, the young Dona Beatriz, who mobilized Congolese against the Portuguese invasion and lost her life in the process. She was only 21 when she was burned alive at the stake.

All these historic examples remind us that today we are also able to create a revival in our country. We can make the Congo a great world power. This will not be easy. We will have many difficulties, but our elders will be there for advice and wisdom. It is our duty we owe our ancestors who, even ’till death, fought so that we would not lose our land. We in the diaspora, are counting on you.

Rest assured that we, your brothers and sisters in the diaspora, and also the many people of goodwill around the world, from China, Canada, Japan, Australia, Belgium, the United States, and elsewhere are here to provide you with support, moral as well as financial.

The awakening of the Congolese youth is paramount in achieving a new and prosperous future for not only the Congo but also Africa as a whole. The pride of being Congolese should compel us to toil day and night for peace as it will come only through our hands in synergy and unity among us in the Congo and the Awaken Diaspora.

Congolese Youth, the Great Congo of today is ours. This gift is not just hereditary, but also because millions of Congolese have made the ultimate sacrifice for this country since 1482. We must do everything in our power to assure that our beautiful Congo remains in the hands of the sons and daughters of the Congo.

Long live the Congolese Youth!
Long live the Democratic Republic of Congo!
Long live Africa and Africans!

Kambale Musavuli
Friends of the Congo
New York, USA

Congo Removed from AGOA List

2010-12-22T13:13:00.008-05:00

President Barack Obama removed the Democratic Republic of Congo from the list of African countries eligible for trade preferences under the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA).

AGOA went into law in 2000 and will expire in 2015. The decision was taken during the annual review of AGOA. "Large-scale human rights abuses by the Congolese armed forces, especially rapes" and the lack of advances made in good governance were reasons for removing the Congo from the list.

FOTC is fascinated by the difference in treatment between Congo and Rwanda. Both countries have AGOA status. Rwanda has invaded Congo twice; supports proxy rebel groups inside Congo; has systematically looted Congo's resources; and according to the United Nations Mapping Exercise Report, the Rwandan military has committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and possibly genocide in the Congo. Yet, the United States has taken no action whatsoever against Rwanda in spite of millions of dead Congolese due in large part to Rwanda's destabilizing of the Congo.

The decision will take effect January 1, 2011. This decision is yet another sign of the conflicted relationship between the Obama administration and President Joseph Kabila's Congo. The IMF and World Bank has proceeded with debt relief and the funding of the Congolese government in spite of the lack of progress on governance on the part of President Kabila. With elections upcoming in 2011, look for more pressure on Kabila to assure a transparent and free elections.

Click here to view official statement from White House.

Letter to Dear Hillary Campaign

2010-12-20T17:41:00.005-05:00

Democratic Republic of Congo
Senate Office
Kinshasa, December 6th, 2010
N / Réf. : 014/CPBME/12/2010
To American students, Organizers of the Dear Hillary Campaign

Dear Organizers,

On behalf of the people of the Congo that I represent as an elected official, I thank you for your support and action. Your actions are a true manifestation of Dr Martin Luther King’s famous words when he said “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”

Your mobilizing the American public to send Hillary Clinton a birthday card calling on her to implement the Obama Law (Public Law 109-456) was a stroke of brilliance and creativity. The enforcement of this law, especially sections 105 and 107 can certainly play a constructive role in helping to bring an end to the conflict.

I am glad that you were able to secure a meeting with Ambassador Melanne Verveer. I met with her at the United Nations in March of this year, right when she was nominated as the Ambassador at-large for Global Women's Issues. During our meeting, I shared with her how the United States can best help contribute to peace in the region by holding its allies accountable for their actions, getting more engaged diplomatically, supporting political solutions as opposed to military ones, and providing support to local institutions, especially as it relates to the greater involvement of women in the peace process.

Again, thank you for listening to the voice of Congolese people and taking our message to the highest levels of power in the United States. Thank you for being a voice for the voiceless. Opinions expressed outside of the country are often presented as solutions to our problems, but you listened to us and have taken our suggestions to your nation’s leaders. We are forever grateful for your action of support and respect. Listening to our voices is the first step towards recognizing our common humanity.

My constituents thank you for your solidarity. Together, we know that with your continued support, Congo will achieve peace and human dignity and take its rightful place among the great nations of the world.

Sincerely,
Mrs. Bazaiba Masudi Eve
Senator

Click here to learn about the Dear Hillary Campaign!

Coalition to UN Security Council: Address UN Congo Mapping Report and Enforce Justice for Victims

2010-12-15T18:43:00.003-05:00

Wednesday, December 15, 2010 – This month the US and the UN Security Council must choose: will they hold accountable major perpetrators of continued atrocities in the Congo or collaborate with them to put the blame on a few guilty but minor scapegoats and some innocent people who are guilty only of challenging the major offenders?

On December 8, several US-Congolese organizations and numerous individuals sent a letter to Congressman David Wu, asking Congress to seek justice for the victims of an ongoing holocaust in the Congo and specifically asking that the long-suppressed UN “Mapping Report” showing complicity of the current government of Rwanda seriously examined and addressed. [1]

Recently, the Dutch legislature and thousands of people in Brussels as well as some officials put Paul Kagame on notice: that he cannot escape the consequences of his acts. [2]

So far, Paul Kagame, president of Rwanda, has been successful in his efforts to bury reports of his atrocities in the Congo without serious examination. The Security Council agreed not to look further into the Mapping Exercise Report, and a few days ago, added several individuals and a small militia to its list of people or organizations to be sanctioned for use of child soldiers. However implicitly exempted were Uganda and Rwanda from sanctions for this or for any of the other crimes revealed in the Report and related abuses reported by others, which continue to this day. [3]

As this month's chair of the Security Council, the US has a moral obligation to take the Mapping Exercise Report off the table and deal with its contents seriously. The US also has a moral obligation to implement the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006, sponsored by then-Senator Barack Obama. [4]

The UN Mapping Exercise Report, released only after it had been leaked, makes it clear that the governments of Uganda and Rwanda are implicated in massive atrocities in the Congo continuing long after they invaded the Congo. Yet, Uganda has not been forced to pay the court-mandated financial penalty, and both invaders are given license to continue their incursions on the pretext of hunting down smaller offenders, such as the LRA, FDLR, and various "mai mai". [5] [6]

The president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, reacted to the report with threats and with diversions. He threatened to withdraw “peacekeeping” forces from Sudan if the UN report was not disavowed or modified.

The unsuitability of Rwanda as an instrument of peace and stability in the Great Lakes region of Africa is augmented by its president's efforts to divert attention from the Mapping Exercise Report by imprisoning political opponents absurdly charged with conspiring to renew genocide in Rwanda. Within days of the October “Mapping Report” release, he re-arrested Victoire Ingabire, who had been arrested for “genocide denial” last spring to prevent her standing as a 2010 presidential candidate challenging his re-election; now, to divert attention from his documented culpability, he jailed her in life-threatening conditions and introduced the more serious charge of conspiring to overthrow his government by force and perpetuate genocide, naming a bizarre set of co-conspirators. [7]

American lawyer Peter Erlinder went to Rwanda last spring to defend Victoire Ingabire, after her first arrest, and he too was arrested and imprisoned under life-threatening conditions that provoked an outcry from US citizens and legislatures, resulting in an official US request for his release on humanitarian grounds. He is home and safe, but Rwanda demands his return for trial or “dead or alive.” [8]

Bizarrely, Paul Rusesabagina, the hero of "Hotel Rwanda" (who rescued so many Tutsis who might otherwise have been killed in 1994) has been called a "genocider" conspiring with Victoire to attack Rwanda, overthrow the government and kill Tutsis; he would be in a Rwandan jail if he had not already in sought safety in exile. [9 ] [10]

Some call Victoire Ingabire the Aung San Suu Kyi of Africa or the female Mandela, but she is not just a symbol of resistance to oppression by a dictator; she is a real person, a wife and mother whose husband and children plead for people to intervene and free her from a squalid and dangerous prison in which she has been held (without trial) for two months. [11]

We join in their plea, seeking justice for courageous individuals wrongly imprisoned as well as for the millions who have died and the millions who continue to suffer in the Congo, and endorse the letter sent to congress on December 8 providing details, additional documentation, and precise steps the US and UN need to take to bring justice, healing, stability, and a better future for a long-abused people.

REFERENCES:

[1] “Seeking Justice for the Victims: The UN mapping report of October 1, 2010 on the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” Letter sent to Congressman David Wu on December 8, 2010 by Africa Faith and Justice Network, Friends of the Congo, Neema Corporation, Chicago Congo Coalition, and others.

http://afjn.org/focus-campaigns/promote-peace-d-r-congo/71-policy-objectives/908-seeking-justice-for-the-victims-un-mapping-exercise-report-of-october-1-2010-on-the-democratic-republic-of-the-congo-ngo-letter-to-congressman-david-wu.html

[2 ] “...'The president of Rwanda is a criminal', says Paul Rusesabagina. The famous manager of Hôtel des Mille Collines is one of the demonstrators who are gathered on Albertina square in Brussels... President Kagame didn’t hold his announced speech during the European congress. He left early to Rwanda for more pressing issues. His minister of Foreign Affairs replaces him and thanks Europe for all the support...Ms Mushikwabo says: 'We respect the decision of the Netherlands to stop direct aid for Rwanda. But our relationship with the European Union remains very friendly'...”http://www.rnw.nl/africa/article/europe-stays-true-rwanda

[3] Agreed 1 December 2010: "...three FDLR leaders and one individual responsible for targeting children in situations of armed conflict, to be added to the list of individuals and entities subject to a worldwide travel ban and asset freeze..." http://ukun.fco.gov.uk/en/news/?view=News&id=286240682

[4] Despite the conclusion of a peace agreement and subsequent withdrawal of foreign forces in 2003, both the real and perceived presence of armed groups hostile to the Governments of Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi continue to serve as a major source of regional instability and an apparent pretext for continued interference in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by its neighbors."
Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006 (sponsored by Sen. Barack Obama [D-IL]) http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=s109-2125

[5] INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE REPORTS OF JUDGMENTS,ADVISORY OPINIONS AND ORDERS CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA)

JUDGMENT OF 19 DECEMBER 2005
EXCERPT: "... the Republic of Uganda, by the conduct of its armed forces, which committed acts of killing, torture and other forms of inhumane treatment of the Congolese civilian population, destroyed villages and civilian buildings, failed to distinguish between civilian and military targets and to protect the civilian population in fighting with other combatants, trained child soldiers, incited ethnic conflict and failed to take measures to put an end to such conflict; as well as by its failure, as an occupying Power, to take measures to respect and ensure respect for human rights and international humanitarian law in Ituri district, violated its obligations under international human rights law and international humanitarian law..."
http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/116/10455.pdf

[6] Oil, African Genocide and the USA's LRA Excuse Dec 6, 2010 ... President Obama seemed either unaware or unconcerned about the UN Mapping Report, released on October 1st, which documents Ugandan President ...
www.blackstarnews.com/news/135/ARTICLE/.../2010-12-06.html

[7] Rwandan opposition leader Victoire Ingabire arrested. “...Rwandan government security operatives surrounding her home in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, had been replaced by police with firearms, and that six of them were visible from inside. Others reported that there were Rwandan troops in her neighborhood and that shops had been ordered to close. ..”

http://sfbayview.com/2010/rwandan-opposition-leader-victoire-ingabire-arrested/

Ingabire trial: Rwanda prosecution fails ‘evidence test’

http://rwandinfo.com/eng/tag/martin-ngoga/

[8] Kagame wants US law professor brought to Rwanda, 'dead or alive' “According to high-level Rwandan officials at a meeting in Kigali in mid-October, President Kagame ordered that IHLI Director and WMCL law professor Peter Erlinder be brought back to Rwanda “dead or alive.”http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/300669#ixzz17aSQxGSP

[9] Rwandan Prosecutor wants to bring “Hotel Rwanda” hero Rusesabagina to justice. "...exiled opposition politician Paul Rusesabagina and jailed Victoire Ingabire have been in constant contact and fundraising for the FDLR rebels, says the Prosecutor General..."

http://rwandinfo.com/eng/rwandan-prosecutor-wants-to-bring-hotel-rwanda-hero-rusesabagina-to-justice/

Kagame's Rwanda accuses real-life Hotel Rwanda hero of terrorism

http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/291869#ixzz17aSBcfLa

[10] Kagame regime demands Professor Peter Erlinder return to Kigali to stand trial. "The Kagame regime continues on the offensive in the wake of the “U.N. Mapping Report on Human Rights Abuse in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1993-2003,” released on Oct. 1, which documents the Rwandan army’s war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocidal massacres of civilian Rwandan Hutu refugees and Congolese Hutus in Congo..."
http://sfbayview.com/2010/kagame-regime-demands-professor-peter-erlinder-return-to-kigali-to-stand-trial/

KPFA News: Kagame wants Peter Erlinder back in Rwanda 'dead or alive'

http://anngarrison.blogspot.com/2010/11/kpfa-news-professor-peter-erlinder-on.html

[11] Meet the daughter of Victoire Ingabire "...Even though it is difficult for me, I would let her leave again, because my mother does what she thinks is just. To prevent her from being involved in politics and fighting for a more just Rwanda would be to destroy a part of my mother..."
http://sfbayview.com/2010/meet-the-daughter-of-victoire-ingabir

KPFA Radio interview with Victoire Ingabire's daughter Raissa, December 12, http://anngarrison.blogspot.com/2010/12/kpfa-news-victoire-ingabires-daughter.htm

Cabot Makes Questionable Ten Year Claim

2010-12-13T15:35:00.004-05:00

American coltan processing company, Cabot Corporation recently released a press statement declaring that they are conflict free. One supposes they could be conflict free by sourcing their minerals strictly from Australia. However, Cabot took their conflict free claim into questionable territory when they intimated that they had been conflict free for ten years. Cabot's press statement noted, "We are pleased that our customers now have independent confirmation that Cabot is a reliable supplier of ethically sourced tantalum products. Over the last decade, we have maintained a strict policy of purchasing raw materials only from ethical, non-conflict sources and this audit result is confirmation of our long-standing commitment in this area."

In spite, of Cabot’s claims, they were identified in the 2002 United Nations report on the illegal exploitation of Congo’s natural resources as one of the companies illegally exploiting Congo’s natural wealth. See list of companies named by the United Nations here! The March/April 2002 issues of Passive Component Industry page 8 reports "African ore sales are also made directly to Cabot Corporation, tracked via IM145 shipment data from Africa to Pennsylvania, where Cabot maintains its tantalum processing plant."

Based on this evidence, international NGOs, Friends of the Earth (FOE) and Rights and Accountability in International Development filed a complaint against Cabot and three other American companies (OM Group, Trinitech Holdings, Eagle Wings), calling on the State Department’s National Contact Point to investigate Cabot and the other companies for possibly violating OECD guidelines and fueling the conflict in the Congo.
http://oecdwatch.org/files/raid-foe_vs-_us-companies_complaint

The October 1, 2010 UN Mapping Exercise Report said that the victims of Congo’s conflict are entitled to reparations from the multi-national corporations implicated in the conflict in the Congo. Congolese are adamant about pursuing justice for the over six million lives lost in the scramble for Congo’s minerals.

UN Mapping Report: Just Another Report With No Consequences?

2010-12-10T12:49:00.004-05:00

During the first week of December a number of events took place in Washington related to the Congo. FOTC research analyst, Saran Traore provides an overview and analysis of one of the events.

Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies' (SAIS) Great Lakes Policy Forum, along with several partners have yet again hosted in its 15years a groundbreaking forum to help shape the discourse of one of the most troubling crisis at the dawn of the 21st century. The forum on December 2nd 2010 focused on the report released on October 1st by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The report contains a mapping of the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo between March 1993 and June 2003. The report is much celebrated amongst activists because of its truthful and fact based investigation and its implications for justice for the people of Congo. It implicates Congolese and foreign parties responsible for abuses, including state and non-state armed groups from Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, and Angola. The findings say the atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Forces, “if proven before a competent court, could be characterized as crimes of genocide.” In addition, the report also documents the pilfering of the Congo by multi-national corporations, and calls for reparations for the Congolese people.

The forum was broken into two panels, the first to address the next steps towards justice with the publication of the report, and the second panel to address implications for regional and US foreign policy. The first panel had Mvemba Dizolele, a SAIS visiting scholar and independent journalist, Carina Tertsakian, a Senior Research at Human Rights Watch's African Division, and Peter Rosenblum, the Lieff, Cabraser, Heimann & Bernstein Clinical Professorship of Human Rights Law at Columbia Law School. The second panel included Anthony Gambino, a former USAID Mission Director for the DRC and Independent Consultant and Laura Seay, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Morehouse College. Peter Lewis, the Director of the African Studies Program at SAIS, moderated the program.
The discussion was vibrant from the onset as the panelists gave their take on the report and its impact. It is important to note that the report does not necessarily convey new information. There have been previous reports by the UN and other organizations that have detailed these events in the course of the ten years that it covered. The unique and “big deal” about this report is that for the first time there is a comprehensive official UN report detailing over 617 incidents in the time covered. The policy prescriptions or possible course of actions suggested in the report was also discussed in the forum. The one prescription that seemed to be favored yet posed a source of problems to accomplish was the establishment of a Tribunal. This tribunal, mirrored after the one in Bosnia, would possibly consist of Congolese and international judges, governed by Congolese law. It was suggested that universal jurisdiction be established to prosecute higher ranked military perpetrators.

The very first consensus was that there needed to be an initiative to make sure that the campaign for justice was geared towards helping the Congolese people. From the concentration on Eastern Congo to the root causes of the conflict, there is a skewed sense of where the focus should be in order to help the country on a recovering path. The panel was in agreement that the humanitarian crisis of the Congo is a product of the political disasters that have taken place in the country as a whole for the past couple of decades. It is also important to account for the fact that Eastern Congo is not all of the DRC. The problems stem from throughout the country and should be given the same attention. These misdirected concepts of the Congo may have led to the negative reactions that came up as a result of the report along side the positives. The report was “held hostage” by alleged perpetrators in the report, when in actuality the focus should have stayed on the DRC. The DRC has become an “appendix” of its neighbors in the grand scheme of things. Policies intended for the DRC are made to appease its neighbors, instead of the reverse.

The second panel addressing regional and US foreign policy in response to the implications of the report was intense in that it called for accountability both internally and externally. The Congolese have been deemed as being qualified to do the tasks needed to address the issues if given the political space to do so by its neighbors and international powers. The Congolese would also need to address the role that its own national army has played in the violence and continues to play. Regionally, all the countries named in the report for their part in the incidents in the past and current crisis will need to be held accountable. The obvious issue is that no current state in the Great Lakes is ready to openly admit to their involvement in these reported incidents.

Although the US is gradually expressing any displeasure with countries in The Great Lakes that have been contributing to the destabilization of the DRC, it has yet to clearly express any actions it wishes to take in light of the UN report. The Friends of the Congo has posited several reasons for the silence and lack of action on the report. Many individuals serving in the current Obama administration, also served in either the State Department or in a diplomatic position when the incidents of 93-03 had taken place under the Clinton administration. US Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice is a standing example, as she was the Assistant Secretary of State, Africa Division in 1996. Some believe that the lack of definite action or even comment from the diplomatic realm of the US could be guilt and shame for their lack of action during these incidents. No genocide intervention groups in Washington DC have engaged this issue since the release of the report. To have ignored these crimes against humanity so long ago, and to have the same issue come back so many years later for lack of action is a cause for embarrassment and explanation. One should hope, as we at FOTC do, that this report be viewed as a second chance for all involved parties to finally bring about justice against these heinous crimes that did occur on their watch.

Click here to join the global call for justice for the people of Congo.

Activists Successfully Demonstrate Against Paul Kagame in Europe

2010-12-07T11:28:00.003-05:00

President Kagame did not attend the round table discussion he was supposed to participate in, nor did he show up for his keynote speech in Belgium on Monday, December 6th. The Belgian Prime Minster, the Foreign Minister, and the Development Minister all told Kagame that there schedules were too full to meet with him.

Activists demonstrated against Kagame's presence in Belgium and called on European leaders to hold him accountable for the atrocities committed in Congo and the repressive practices in Rwanda proper.

See below press release from the Paul Rusesabagina Foundation:

December 6, 2010
For Immediate Release
Contact: Kitty Kurth
Email: kitty@kurthlampe.com
Intl. number: +44 7587 063130
U.S. Mobile: 312-617-7288
U.S. Office: 312-464-0260

TODAY: Hotel Rwanda’s Paul Rusesabagina
to Appear at Demonstration in Brussels

Rusesabagina Asks International Community to Hold Rwanda Accountable;Responds to Rwandan Government Harassment

Brussels, Belgium -- Today Paul Rusesabagina, President and founder of the Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation (HRRF) will join peaceful demonstrators to protest the appearance of Rwandan President Paul Kagame at the European Development Days conference.

The demonstration will be held at 14:00 (2:00 p.m.) at Rue Mont des Arts 1000 in Brussels.

Demonstrators wish to call the attention of the international community to the killing and human rights violations being committed by the current Rwandan regime. Some of these actions are detailed in the report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) “Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993-2003, The Report of the Mapping Exercise.”

Today Rusesabagina is also releasing a copy of his letter to United States President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Yves Leterme (attached) asking Obama to prevent Kagame from doing even more harm to his own Rwandan people and to millions of others in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.

The letter cites the violence and oppressive tactics used by Kagame’s government including well-documented assaults, arrests, suppression and assassination of political opponents and all independent media.

In the letter, Rusesabagina addresses charges that the Rwanda government has made against him in the press. “I have never given money to terrorists,” said Rusesabagina.

The most recents attacks on Rusesabagina came after the HRRF sent out a press release about the UN mapping report. Today he said: “The Rwandan government must be very afraid of the facts about their actions in Congo that are disclosed in this report. They are going to great lengths to discourage the international community from taking action on the crimes documented in the report.”

Rusesabagina will be available for interviews at the demonstration or by telephone. He can be reached directly by calling +32 4874 10774 or call Kitty Kurth at +44 7587 063130 to schedule an interview.

Letter to President of DRC From Wife of Floribert Chebeya

2010-12-03T12:06:00.001-05:00

To: The President of the Democratic Republic of Congo

At Kinshasa Gombe

From: Annie Mangbenga Nzinga

Floribert Chebeya’s widow

Object: Open letter to Mr. Joseph Kabila, President of the Democratic Republic of Congo

Five months after the assassination of my husband Floribert Chebeya Bahizire and the disappearance of his companion Fidele Bazana Ededi, driver, and member of “la Voix des Sans Voix pour les droits de l’homme”, abbreviated as (VSV), I am writing this letter to remind you that after the announcement of the assassination of Floribert Chebeya Bahizire, my late husband, assassinated by the services of the National Congolese Police, especially the General John Numbi Tambo and his juniors on june2, 2010, you sent me your Special Advisor on Security Mr. Pierre Lumbi, who asked me what I wanted you to do for me. Mr. President, my answer is this: “tell the Head of State that he has the power and he knows how to stop and punish the murderers of my husband.” I confirm that it is General John Numbi who killed him because he had an appointment with him; I spoke with him on the phone while he was waiting in front of his office door the night of his assassination.

The only thing I want is clarification and truth on the assassination of my husband and the disappearance of Fidele bazana. Mr. President, through your Advisor you reassured us at the funeral that you will use all your authority to stop all those guilty, judge and punish them. This trust and assurance is what my children and I are waiting for you. I share the message that you sent to me with journalists all over the world, with Congolese, with defenders of Humans Rights, with diplomatic missions, and with people all over the world. Nowadays, men, women, children, young and old, all have an eye on Chebeya’ case and are waiting for the truth because Floribert Chebeya was a citizen of the world. He wasn’t just our property, but he belonged to everyone because of the work that he did.

During the first appearance of the defendants which took place on Friday, November12, 2010 at Kinshasa, in front of a purpose-built military court, it was more than indignation and anger which killed us when we saw that Mr. John Numbi, whom I cite day and night as the murderer of both my husband and Fidele Bazana, was absent in the bench of the guilty to serve as a witness. For the credibility of our institutions in the world, I will please ask you Mr. President to personally make sure that this trial ends well and that Mr. John Numbi is arrested along with all the guilty so that we will have justice and transparency. We don’t need to be in favor of impunity, which was Floribert Chebeya’s fight during his life.

To end, Mr. President of the Democratic Republic of Congo, abbreviated as (RDC), please bans from speaking your minister of information Mr. Mende Omalango for his words which are able to injure the broken hearts of Congolese and to tell lies. My children and I left the country because we had the support of diplomatic missions, of Non Governmental Organizations of human rights, of partners of “la voix des sans voix.”, of good willed people that I sincerely thank and greet for helping us to move.

Triumph to truth!!!

Wikileaks Confirm Much of What We Suspected

2010-12-01T08:40:00.004-05:00

The latest information distributed from Wikilieaks confirm much of what followers of Congo and the Great Lakes suspected. However, one key insight that Wikileaks provided was what seems to be a more aggressive and broader data collection effort of an established practice by the diplomatic corps. This quote from the NY Times report places it in context "While the State Department has long provided information about foreign officials’ duties to the Central Intelligence Agency to help build biographical profiles, the more intrusive personal information diplomats are now being asked to gather could be used by the National Security Agency for data mining and surveillance operations. "

Some excerpts from Wikileaks include:

"Reporting officers should include as much of the following information as possible when they have information relating to persons linked to African Great Lakes: office and organizational titles; names, position titles and other information on business cards; numbers of telephones, cell phones, pagers and faxes; compendia of contact information, such as telephone directories (in compact disc or electronic format if available) and e-mail listings; internet and intranet "handles", internet e-mail addresses, web site identification-URLs; credit card account numbers; frequent flyer account numbers; work schedules, and other relevant biographical information."

A. Mineral Resources (ENVR)

-- Details on mining of diamonds, copper, cobalt, uranium, other minerals, and oil extraction: number and location of mines, production statistics and revenue generated, and extent of control given to China and other foreign governments, companies or consortiums; export statistics. -- Details on mineral, oil and other resource exploitation by rebel groups and foreign elements to include type and location of resources exploited, and revenue generated through sales, customs duties, taxation, and access control. -- Government ability/willingness to deal with environmental abuses.

Read entire leaks on Great Lakes here: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/202678

Eastern Congo Initiative Calls For Active US Engagement to Help Bring Peace to Congo

2010-11-30T00:45:00.005-05:00

The Eastern Congo Initiative released a White Paper on the Congo on today. The paper outlines nine objectives for critical support and empowered U.S. leadership.

The first five address the urgent need for security and stabilization in the region:

Facilitate renewed political engagement
Support a multi-dimensional strategy to protect civilians, by:
o Strengthening security forces
o Neutralizing and dismantling remaining foreign and Congolese armed groups

Support GDRC reforms, including the 2011 and 2013 elections
Support the GDRC in regulating the trade in natural resources and ensuring deployment of justice and administrative services
Support IDP and refugee returns and encourage socioeconomic recovery

The additional four topics focus on coordinating U.S. leadership to catalyze a broadened international engagement:

Reappoint a US Special Advisor for the Great Lakes Region
Encourage a regional response to the crisis
Support and complement multilateral efforts
Engage the US advocacy community

Resource Links:
Microsite, White Paper download: http://www.easterncongo.org/whitepaper
Ben's op-ed in Washington Post: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/11/29/AR2010112904242.html
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/EasternCongoInitiative
Twitter: http://twitter.com/EastCongoNews

They Want Our Riches: Congolese Children Break The Silence

2010-11-08T16:22:00.001-05:00

Congo in Harlem II: October 17 - 23, 2010

2010-10-17T09:31:00.003-05:00

Congo in Harlem 2 is the second annual series of Congo-related films, performances and discussions at the Maysles Cinema in Harlem, New York. This year's program runs from October 17 - 23rd, and showcases a wide range of films by Congolese and international directors, representing the most important issues facing the Democratic Republic of Congo. Most screenings will be followed by panel discussions, special events, musical performances, and receptions. Click here to see complete listing of films and discussions and purchase tickets online.

Congo in Harlem 2 will provide audiences with more than the traditional movie-going experience -- it will offer opportunities to celebrate Congolese culture, learn about the ongoing humanitarian crisis, engage in dialogue, and get involved.

Highlights of the program include:

Sunday, October 17th
Friends of Congo kicks off Break the Silence: Congo Week with a special screening by Cultures of Resistance, performances by Harlem’s own IMPACT Repertory Theatre and Toni Blackmon,
and a tribute to legendary soukous singer Kanda Bongo Man, who will participate in an engaging dialogue about the Congolese music scene and social and political situation in the Congo.

Wednesday, October 20thFollowing the films Jazz Mama by Petna Katondolo and Weapon of War by Isle and Femke Van Velzen, a discussion will ensue with Dr. Roger Luhiriri (human rights advocate and former fistula doctor at Panzi Hospital), Jocelyn Kelly (gender-based violence Research Coordinator with the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative) and Dr. Lee Ann De Reus (President of the Board of Directors of Panzi Hospital Foundation).

Friday, October 22nd
The featured film is “Tragedy in the Congo” by Jihan El-Tahri. The film will be followed by a discussion with director Jihan El-Tahri, Jason Stearns (Congo researcher/analyst, former UN investigator) and Luc Côté (Lead investigator/writer of the UN mapping report), and moderated by Samar Al-Bulushi (Congo researcher) & reception.

Saturday, October 23rd
Saturday afternoon will be an engaging panel discussion focused on solutions to the child soldier problem, featuring Ishmael Beah (author of A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier), Jimmie Briggs (author of Innocents Lost: When Child Soldiers Go to War) and Kambale Musavuli, Student Coordinator and Spokesperson, Friends of the Congo.

Saturday night, the closing night film will be Thierry Michel's expose of mining operations in Congo, Katanga Business, followed by a panel with Peter Rosenblum (Professor of Human Rights Law, Columbia University), New York Times Reporter Howard French and Congolese scholar currently at the Hoover Institution, Mvemba Dizolele.

Join us in Harlem and spread the word to your friends, family and loved ones as Congo Week takes place throughout the globe from Australia to Sweden, Japan to South Africa, Brazil to United Kingdom, Canada, the United States, Congo and elsewhere.

Congolese Human Rights Activist Present To US Congress

2010-09-24T15:16:00.005-05:00

Congolese activist Justine Masika Bihamba of Synergie Des Femmes pour les victimes des Violences Sexuelle Breaks The Silence and presented the case of Congolese Women to the U.S. Congress today. The recommendations she made are as follows:

1. Restore peace in the eastern DRC and in the whole region

2. Give attention to political developments in Kinshasa and in the other provinces as well as the eastern DRC. The DRC will remain fragile until the state is strengthened so that it has the power to reinforce constitutionalism and good governance.

3. Promote dialogue, based on mutual respect and partnership, between the international community and the government of the DRC toward genuine development and a resolution of the conflict.

4. Help the government of the DRC to create a truly unified, effective and disciplined army which is the backbone of lasting security in eastern Congo. The training of different battalions by different partners with different military cultures must be replaced by a better coordinated and complementary approach.

5. Put pressure on the government of Rwanda to open its democratic space and to allow for negotiations to find a solution to the problem of the FDLR: the solution is political.

6. Build a coherent coordinated multilateral response to the challenge of the DRC. In spite of the huge budget spent on the Congo peace process the results are still well below expectations. If the international community wants to make a difference, it must show that its members are ready to work together.

7. End impunity. Support the creation of an international tribunal based in the DRC with a system of mixed chambers where international and Congolese judges work side by side on cases of past violations of human rights. The presence of the international tribunal in DRC would ensure that it would be close to the victims and less danger of evidence corruption. Mutual control and support among international and Congolese judges would diminish the danger of corruption.

Click here to listen to more Congolese women voices>>

UN Report On War Crimes in The Congo: Will The Congolese People Finally Get Justice?

2010-08-28T09:43:00.003-05:00

The below is a critique of Nick Kristof's blog on the issue: http://kristof.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/08/27/the-u-n-report-on-war-crimes-in-congo/

Click here (PDF) to download UN Report.

The report raises several key questions:

1. Will the Congolese people finally get justice after living through 14 years of the greatest crimes committed against humanity at the dawn of the 21st century?

2. Will those corporations implicated in the illegal looting of Congo's minerals and supporting rebel groups also be called to account? President Clinton's friend Jean-Raymond Boule provided a private jet in exchange for mining concessions to one of the rebel groups that committed atrocities. (See UN Development Programme report - http://www.undp.org/oslocentre/docs05/The%20International%20Dimensions%20of%20the%20Congo%20Crisis.pdf)

3. Will the Clinton Administration be held to account for its propping up and support of regimes that perpetuated such heinous crimes? Will Madeleine Albright, Susan Rice, Bill Richardson and members of the Clinton National Security Council be called to account? NY Times reporter Howard French has written extensively on this question: http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=the_lost_continent

http://www.nybooks.com/articles/23054

4. Will the Obama administration FINALLY implement PL 109-456 Democratic Republic of Congo Relief, Security and Democracy Promotion Act hat he sponsored as Senator? http://friendsofthecongo.org/resource-center/policy-a-issue-briefs.html

It explicitly calls for the US to hold accountable Congo's neighbors that destabilize the Congo.

5. Will the international dimensions of the crimes committed in the Congo be finally investigated? The United States Congress can take the lead on this by calling a hearing to fully address the roots of the greatest crime committed against humanity in the 21st century.

Finally a few points of correction and clarification:

Mr. Kristof, you mention that the report describes the role of “conflict minerals” in sustaining warfare but the organization you cite has said nothing about the role of US corporations, especially mining companies' direct involvement in fueling the conflict over the past 14 years, in spite of four UN reports documenting the corporate complicity in fueling the conflict in the Congo. In fact, you have never mentioned the names of these companies either. See list of mining and other companies implicated over the past 14 years: http://conflictminerals.org/us-canadian-companies-involved-in-congo/

Some of the core elements of this report are not new. Even your paper reported on this in 1997 (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/29/magazine/29Tennis-t.html?_r=2) Also other institutions in the international community have been out front on these crimes committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Army. The 2008 Spanish indictment (http://jicj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/6/5/1003) of 40 top officials in the Rwandan government is a case in point. President Kagame himself would have been prosecuted if he were not a head of state. The 2005 International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling (http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/116/10455.pdf ) against Uganda is another case in point -- Rwanda would have undoubtedly met the same fate as Uganda if they were party to the ICJ and not outside of its jurisdiction like its key sponsor and ally, the United States.

BLOOD MINERALS:The Criminalization of the Mining Industry in Eastern DRC

2010-08-19T09:12:00.002-05:00

The Pole Institute convened representatives from diverse sectors of the Congolese society to share their analysis and prescriptions for addressing the de-criminalization of natural resources so that they can be a benefit to the Congolese people. Below are some excerpts geared towards the International community and the myriad efforts underway to address “conflict minerals.” Click here to download the full report.

Select Excerpts:
In order to rehabilitate and decriminalize the mining industry, which according to [Aloys] Tegera, generates more than two-thirds of the revenue of North Kivu, it is necessary to, in the first place, work towards the re-establishment of the Congolese state. Any efforts by the international community to re-organize and legislate for the Congolese mining industry without taking this fundamental step into account risk failure, “unless, of course, the various lobbies have in mind a Congo without the Congolese, which would clearly be absurd.” Introduction page 3

A glaring lacuna in all these efforts is the lack of involvement of the Congolese people in seeking solutions to problems that face them in their own country, and Johnson argues that unless the Congolese people are brought “back in” all these international efforts will remain, for their originators, an exercise in creating the DRC after their own image. Introduction page 4

[Dominic] Johnson argues that because of this failure to include the Congolese people in crucial debate on ‘their’ issues, the international community has made a serious error of judgment in not recognizing that the situation in the east of the DRC goes beyond just a presumed squabble over minerals and raises fundamental questions of the structuring of state power which have to be taken into account by anyone hoping to work with the Congolese state in order to reform the Congolese mining sector. Introduction page 4

It is imperative that the various people and organizations of good will who are determined to ensure that the minerals of Kivu are ‘clean’ or conflict-free first work towards a definition of the basics necessary for the re-establishment of the Congolese state. Only when this is in place will the control of the mining industry be possible. The various initiatives will not be effective unless this basic condition is met. Aloys Tegera page 11

It is argued that important aspects of the regulatory model now emerging are partly based on an erroneous and outdated analysis of the conflict dynamics in Eastern Congo and that this is likely to weaken its effectiveness on the ground. The error consists in regarding competition around minerals as the main reason for conflicts in Eastern Congo and the establishment of government authority as the main mechanism for ending such competition and thereby the conflicts themselves. Reforms centered around strengthening the rôle of the state in Eastern Congo rather than the people will, we contend, exacerbate conflict instead of ending it, even if they succeed in curbing the excesses deriving from mineral trade. Dominic Johnson page 22

It is therefore perfectly possible, under the certification and due diligence schemes now on the table, to claim to have solved a decades-old conflict about control of a mineral-rich region and the control of the trade of its produce without addressing any of the issues involved, without resolving conflict on the ground and without contributing to peace and
human security in a manner visible to the local population. Dominic Johnson page 43

However, beyond the possibility or even the impossibility of an international intervention to render the minerals of eastern DRC ‘clean’ for use, in other words conflict-free, it is important to emphasize that the criminalization of the mining industry underestimates the fact that more than two-thirds of the revenue of a province like North Kivu depends on mineral exports. Aloys Tegera page 8

Click here to find out more about the Pole Institute.

Also find here prescriptions for addressing Congo’s challenge from select Congolese groups:

Women scholars and activists
http://friendsofthecongo.org/resource-center/womens-voices.html
Elected officials
http://congofriends.blogspot.com/2009_08_01_archive.html

Congolese youth
http://conflictminerals.org/conflict-mineral-critique/

Human Rights
http://congofriends.blogspot.com/2010/06/long-live-spirit-of-floribert-chebeya.html

Remember to join us for Congo Week from October 17 – 23 as ordinary people throughout the globe join in solidarity with the people of the Congo in their quest to fulfill their enormous human and natural potential.

Conflict Minerals: An Attempt to Weaken Congo’s Social Justice Movement

2010-07-21T07:59:00.003-05:00

The narrative that is being pushed by the United States government and former government officials who head “grassroots” organizations is that the source of Congo’s conflict is solely rebels who control mines and rape women. This narrative is a gross distortion of the root causes of the conflict in the Congo and the loss of over six million lives since 1996. It obfuscates the heinous crimes and the massive looting in which the United States, Canada, Europe and other nations and corporations have been implicated over the past 14 years.

Congo is trapped in a geo-strategic battle for its enormous wealth, strategic minerals and key location in the heart of Africa. The United States government has played a destructive role in the Congo for a long time and continue to do so:

1885 – First country in the world to recognize the Congo under the ownership of Belgian King Leopld II

1908 – 1960 – Supported Belgian Colonial rule under which tenure it procured the uranium used to fuel the atomic weapons dropped on Japan during World War II

1961 – Complicit in the assassination of Congo’s first elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba

1965 – 1997 – Installed and maintained the brutal dictatorial rule of Joseph Mobutu for over three decades

1996 & 1998 – Backed and supported the invasions of Congo by its allies Rwanda and Uganda, which unleashed the mass killing of millions of Congolese

2006 – Facilitated access to power for a pliant leader, Joseph Kabila in return for his providing unfettered access to Congo’s riches by western mining interests

2006 – present – In spite of the abundance of evidence produced by the United Nations and research institutions throughout Africa, Europe and North America, the United States government has refused to hold its allies Rwanda and Uganda accountable for their destructive practices inside the Congo. In addition, the United States government has refused to investigate the U.S. mining companies identified by the United Nations as illegally exploiting the Congo.

Presenting the Congo through a conflict minerals lens will do little if anything at all to end the conflict and will certainly do absolutely nothing about the structural challenges imposed on the Congo by the global community, which keeps the country and its population dependent and impoverished. Read more about why Conflict Minerals is not a victory for the Congo.

Long Live the Spirit of Floribert Chebeya

2010-06-24T07:29:00.000-05:00

We are outraged by the loss of Floribert Chebeya, a champion for human rights and justice in the Congo. Indications are that the repressive Kabila regime is increasingly extinguishing the voices of the people as the regime looks to maintain power by any means.

Listen to Radio France Internationale (RFI) reports on the assassination of Congolese Human Rights activist, Floribert CHEBEYA BAHIZIRE. http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?pid=1291835&id=1252894080&comments&alert#!/video/video.php?v=402579444658

Mr. Chebeya's assassination is part and parcel of a climate of impunity that pervade Congolese society, which has resulted in the systematic murder of journalists and human rights activists under the regime of Joseph Kabila. An independent investigation with the full participation of civil society and the parliament is a bare minimum.

The Cause of Death of Chebeya to be known in 3 to 5 weeks:
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hFs-EjJvIysW4oR4LlwyxF_ZmGGw

Congolese Grassroots Undertake a Month of Activism to Culminate in the Burial of Chebeya on June 30, the 50th Anniversary of the Independence of the Congo
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/floribert_en.pdf (English)
http://friendsofthecongo.org/pdf/floribert.pdf (French)

Message From the Human Rights Community of the DRC
http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/pressreleases/chebeya_human_rights_collective.php

A Song For Floribert Chebeya
http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xdnz65_une-chanson-pour-floribert-chebeya_news

Global Greens Mourn Floribert Chebeya
http://www.globalgreens.org/statements/greens_mourn_chebeya

Congo suspends police chief John Numbi for activist's death
http://www.boston.com/news/world/africa/articles/2010/06/06/congo_suspends_police_chief_for_activists_death/

STANFORD: New proxy voting policy on conflict minerals

2010-06-21T20:15:00.000-05:00

Stanford will vote "yes" on shareholder resolutions asking companies to report their efforts to avoid using "conflict minerals" from Congo Stanford will vote "yes" on shareholder resolutions asking companies to report their efforts to avoid using "conflict minerals" from Congo. The new policy is narrowly drawn and broadly supportive of efforts by electronics companies to address the problem of conflict minerals in their supply chains.

The Stanford University Board of Trustees recently approved a new proxy voting guideline that says the university will vote "yes" on "well-written and reasonable shareholder resolutions that ask companies for reports on their policies and efforts regarding their avoidance of conflict minerals and conflict mineral derivatives."

The 32-member board approved the new guideline at its June 9-10 meeting. "The proxy voting guideline to support resolutions asking companies to address the issue of conflict minerals reflects Stanford's values as a socially responsible investor," said Leslie Hume, the board's chair. "It is narrowly drawn and broadly supportive of efforts by leading technology and electronics companies to address the problem of conflict minerals in their supply chain." The trade in Congo's conflict minerals – tin, tantalite, tungsten and gold, which are used in cell phones, laptops and MP3 players – is a major source of funding for armed groups in eastern Congo whose members commit atrocities against civilians.

Hume applauded students for bringing the issue to the university's attention. "Stanford students, through diligent research and constructive advocacy, played a key role in bringing this issue to the attention of both the university's Advisory Panel on Investment Responsibility and Licensing, and to the board's Special Committee on Investment Responsibility," she said.
The student group is Stanford STAND: A Student Anti-Genocide Coalition. The university's Advisory Panel on Investment Responsibility & Licensing unanimously approved the proxy voting guideline in April, and then forwarded it to the Board of Trustees. The advisory panel is composed of 12 people, including four members of the faculty, four students (two undergraduates and two graduate students), two members of the university's staff, and two alumni.
Related information:
Stanford Student Anti-Genocide Coalition
http://www.standnow.org/chapter/stanford
Advisory Panel on Investment Responsibility & Licensing
http://ucomm.stanford.edu/apir/
Investment Responsibility at Stanford: A Brief History
http://ucomm.stanford.edu/apir/history.html
COMMENT: Lisa Lapin, University Communications: (650) 725-8396, lapin@stanfod.edu
Media contact: Kathleen J. Sullivan, Stanford News Service: (650) 724-5708, kathleenjsullivan@stanford.edu

A Critique of Jon Rosen's Essay About President Paul Kagame of Rwanda

2010-05-31T12:20:00.002-05:00

Jon Rosen’s essay about President Paul Kagame is outrageous—for myriad reasons. Consider just four.
http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/discussion/show/5629

First, Rosen mentions only Amnesty and HRW, implying that these two are the Kagame dictatorship’s only critics. Nothing could be further from the truth. It would be similar to claiming that only African-Americans hated apartheid.

The millions who have already sounded the alarm publicly that Kagame is getting away with (mass) murder include: The Economist; The New York Times; three different expert panels assembled by the UN Security Council; U.S. Senators Durbin and Feingold; Mrs. Clinton’s State Department (although their’s may be just crocodile tears); the world’s best experts on the Great Lakes region (renowned researchers and thinkers such as Nzongola-Ntalaja, Howard French, Rene Lemarchand, Gerard Prunier, Thomas Turner and Allan Stam); and ADNA, a network of Africa-focused advocacy nonprofits monitoring US foreign policy.

And the critics include millions of individual Rwandans and other Africans--like me.

Second, Rosen glosses over the damning case against Kagame--in the same way he ignores most Kagame critics. Rosen fails to mention that right now Kagame’s regime is shutting down newspapers, is kidnapping the homeless and is demonizing and pronouncing Ms. Ingabire guilty--before her sham trial even begins. And hours ago in Rwanda, Kagame arrested eminent American law professor, Peter Erlinder, who is defending Ms. Ingabire.

Nor does Rosen mention Mr. Kagame’s role in Yoweri Museveni’s blood-soaked climb to power in Uganda. And he is silent about their joint plundering of the Congo—the real driver of their invasion.

Speaking of the Congo, Rosen could not even be bothered to spell out in full Kagame’s greatest crime there. The thousand-word essay devotes all of one sentence to mass rapes, massive displacements and millions of deaths.

And even though it is published a global journal, the Rosen essay forgets to mention that General Kagame continues to enjoy more than two decades of American support, that he was trained at American military academies, that his son is now enrolled in West Point, and that he tours the US several times each year.

If I appear irritated, please understand why. In Washington’s current relations with Mr. Kagame we are seeing the replay of a tired old movie. Since 1960, Africa’s year of independence, each and every US administration has praised, financed and kept in power its own set of brutal African strongmen that, in its secret files, it has labeled “friendly tyrants.” Mobutu sese Seko of Zaire; Siyaad Barre of Somalia; Hissene Habre of Chad; Samuel Doe of Liberia; and Jonas Savimbi of Angola—these are just five of the dozens. This continuing scandal of official Washington supporting “friendly tyrants” in Africa is the third reason the Rosen essay is outrageous.

The fourth reason stinks even worse. American journalists, whose most sacred democratic duty is to expose government abuse of power, cover up the “friendly tyrants” scandal, keeping American citizens in the dark. Thus today, we have media giants like Steven Kinzer and Fareed Zakaria singing Kagame’s praises. Now, along comes Jon Rosen to join the chorus of praise singers.

But it is not just journalists. As Rosen writes, “ . . . Kagame has long attracted an international following. Figures from Tony Blair to Rick Warren have lauded him . . .”

All this reeks because it continues a tradition of Western elites telling Africans to be happy living under dictatorships that those elites would not tolerate in their own countries for a single day

It is entirely possible that Jon Rosen has a reason. Perhaps to avoid being arrested in Rwanda, (as just happened to Peter Erlinder) he was obliged to publish an outrageous, slanted analysis that dismisses the critics and pooh-poohs the damning case against Kagame as a mere “narrative.” If so, that price is too high and Rosen should have walked away from Rwanda.

Nii Akuetteh
FRIDAY, May 28, 2010

This blog has moved

2010-04-30T22:28:00.001-05:00

This blog is now located at http://congofriends.blogspot.com/.
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Say No To Canadian Troops For Congo and Yes To Canadian Diplomacy

2010-04-21T05:54:00.005-05:00

By Bodia Macharia, President, Friends of Congo University of Toronto

As Canada’s Governor-General Michaelle Jean visits the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), much speculation abounds regarding the new-found attention being paid to the DRC by the Canadian government. It appears that Canadian General Andrew Leslie is primed to head the 20,000 strong United Nations Mission in the Congo. There is speculation that the anticipated Canadian troops withdrawal from Afghanistan may result in Canadian troops presence in Congo.

Canadian troops should stay home. The DRC does not need more militarization, it needs justice. Canada can help to advance justice, peace and stability in the Congo without sending a single soldier. Should the Canadian government and people in general do the following, it would go further to advance peace and stability in the Congo more than any number of Canadian troops:

1. Call on the United States and England in particular as well as other nations throughout the globe to make Congo a top diplomatic priority.

2. Call on the United States and England to pressure their allies Rwanda and Uganda to cease the destabilization of the Congo, open political space in their own countries and engage in sincere and earnest dialogue with their countrymen who are wreaking havoc in the Congo.

3. Canada should also leverage its position with Rwanda to open political space inside Rwanda and engage in dialogue with Rwandan rebel groups inside Congo.

4. Canada should call on its corporations and those raising capital on the Toronto Stock Exchange (an estimated half the mining capital in the world is raised on the Toronto Stock Exchange) to cease their exploitation of Congo’s riches. Companies such as Banro, First Quantum, Anvil Mining, Barrick Gold via its partner Anglo-Gold Ashanti and others have or continue to benefit at the expense of the Congolese people. A good start would be for the Parliament to pass Bill C-300. In addition, assure that the Canadian Investment Fund for Africa is used for its original purpose - African companies, not Canadian companies that have ready access to capital markets.

5. Provide support to local institutions as opposed to authoritarian regimes that oppress their populations with the support of Canadian tax dollars.

The Condition of Women in the Congo

2010-04-19T05:40:00.001-05:00

15^th ANNUAL WOMENS AMBASSADORS CONFERENCE

"Recovery from Natural Catastrophes,Wars,and the Financial Crisis"

By: Saran Traore, Research Analyst, Friends Of The Congo

Howard University, the US Congress and the Womens Ambassadors Foundation collaborated on the 15^th Annual Womens Ambassadors Conference in the Rayburn Building at the US Congress on April 7^th, 2010. The conference had a morning and afternoon session of discussions on different issues facing the global community. Although all the events were informative, the “Recovery from the Financial Crisis” and “Recovery from Wars, the case of the Congo(DRC)” in the afternoon were most eyeopening.

Each session lasted for an hour with panelist giving some overview of the topic then a Q&A after. “Recovery from the Financial Crisis” covered the recent economic crisis that affected the entire international community. Members of the World Bank, experts from Howard university and financial groups were all present to talk about the beginning of the crash, where it started and who was affected the most in comparison to the US. One specific speaker, Mr. Shanta Devarajan from the World Bank, was the expert on the Africa and his take on the affects on the continent as a whole. According to Mr. Devarajan, African was showing great economic improvements not seen in years before the crisis. Overall growth was at 6% before the crash from 4%. Trade and need of commodities was in Africa's favor. Policies were being made across the board for smarter and better economic governance. These improvements then halted after the crash because of the big hit that Africa took. Growth reduced to 1%, Infant Mortality rates grew 30-50 thousand, and millions of people were thrown back into poverty. Although all this sounds severe, Mr. Devarajan says that it could have been worst if Africa had not been on the hot streak that it was on before the crisis. He also emphasis that we should be optimistic, for policy makers are seeing the benefits of prudent policies and many countries are staying the course on these policies.

As I and many other Africans were hopeful of these statements and numbers, I felt the need to ask a very realistic question. With the recorded growth mentioned, distribution of wealth (DOW) in Africa has been and remains a very serious issue. How was it factored into the growth and how was it further effected by the economic crisis? Mr. Devarjan very much agreed with my concerns. According to him, DOW was monitored because in comparison to India, Africa showed a 1.1% in poverty reduction which was better than in India. Once the crash hit, there off course was a drop in income and many people dropped jobs from the formal sector to head to the informal sectors. Also, as remittance is an important part of Africa's economy and wealth distribution, there was a significant drop since those in the Diaspora could no longer afford to send as much back as before the crash. The good news is, remittances are coming back, therefore giving some who have lost jobs some hope for income.

The second session, “Recovery from Wars, the case of Congo (DRC)” was a very powerful one. The panel consisted of Friends of Congo's very own Makeda Crane, a speaker and blogger for FOC, and Jeanne-Martin Cisse who was Guinea-Conakry's first woman Ambassador to the UN and in 1972 was president of the Security Council. Crane spoke of the political, social, and economic crisis that the Congo is experiencing and the millions of lives the have been and continue to be claimed from it. She gave a touching and gripping presentation about her involvement with the Congo and her plight to help the Congo get back on its own feet. She spoke of the fight for minerals in Congo, the tragedy of the amazing women being raped as a result of the war, and the need for social empowerment. In the same tone, she emphasized the political, economic and most importantly human potential of the Congo. Ambassador Cisse echoed in on the same note and spoke of healing Congo and the rest of Africa. She has witnessed the history of Congo and wishes to see a positive change in her lifetime for the country and the entire continent so that the dialogue can change for the better about Africa to the outside world.

“Countries at the Crossroads”

2010-04-11T15:48:00.001-05:00

“Countries at the Crossroads”

Political Turmoil and Receding Reform: Democratic Governance in Uncertain Times

By Saran Traore, Research Analyst, the Friends of Congo

Thursday, April 6^th, 2010 was a remarkable and exciting day at the Brookings Institute in Washington DC for Freedom House as it hosted the release of the fifth edition of “Countries at the Crossroads.” The Countries at the Crossroads series are an annual assessment of government performance in 70 strategically important countries worldwide that are at a critical crossroad in determining their political future. This edition covered 32 countries, including the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Methodology behind these findings was founded by prominent scholars and analysts who are considered experts in the regions covered in the study.

The four main areas of performance that Freedom House considers to be the basis of analyzing the state of democratic governance in a country are as follows; Accountability and Public Voice, Civil liberties, Rule of Law, and Anti-corruption and Transparency. Each country is graded on a scale of 0-7. Congo's scores in each of these dimensions are as follows; In Accountability and Public Voice, Congo has an average score of 1.53, with the higher score in the category of 5.34 belonging to Ghana. Civil liberties, Congo has an average of 1.98, Ghana with the highest of 5.33. In the category of Rule of Law, Congo has a 1.15, Ghana yet again having the highest of 4.64. Finally for Anti-Corruption and Transparency, Congo scores a 1.06, while South Africa has the highest of 3.90. These average scores are a compilation of all 32 countries in Africa, Asia, Middle East, Latin America and Haiti in the Western Hemisphere. The findings also determined Ghana and South Africa as established democracies and found Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Tanzania in fragile democratic processes. On the lower spectrum of progress, they found Kenya, Nigeria, and Uganda in faltering reforms and Cote d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe as power concentrators. The last category that Congo falls in is simply explaining that undemocratic governance predominates and prospects for democratic gains are “dim.” Although “dim,” this does not imply impossibility of making progress to get Congo on a democratic path. As these numbers and findings may seem disheartening, it should be a motivator and emphasize the importance of the work that we all, stakeholders, are dedicated to in the Congo.

Although these indicators are mostly used by agencies such as the United States Agency for International Aid (USAID) and the Millennium Challenge Account to determine aid recipients, The goal of Freedom House and Jake Dizard, the managing editor of Countries at the Crossroads, is that these findings can be used by policy makers and leaders of these countries as a guide to remedy many of the issues hindering the growth democratic governance.

Thursday's event was a full house of different organizations and a very rich panel of experts to discuss the regional governance challenges in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The panelist included Joel Barkan of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Kevin Casas-Zamora with the Brookings Institute, and Joshua Kurlantzick of the Council on Foreign Relations, just to name a few. The presentations by each expert on each region was extremely fascinating, especially Joel Barkan's take on the state of democracy in Africa. Although the focus of the presentation was on Kenya and Uganda, many of his analysis was applicable to other African states such as the Congo. He spoke of checks and balances in government, Rule of Law and the election process being gradually disregarded in many developing countries. So in order to change political infrastructure, it must be done in the wake of elections. The full report and scoring of the countries analyzed is on the Freedom House website along with greater detail about the methodology of the entire project. You can also get the full transcript of Thursdays event at the Brookings institute web address.

Reference

Freedom House

http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=140&edition=9

Brookings Institute

http://www.brookings.edu/events/2010/0407_political_turmoil.aspx

Military Presence and Aid Not the Answer

2010-04-09T05:45:00.000-05:00

Increased military presence and aid alone will not prevent another Makombo Massacre.

By Noelle Barber

The tragedy in Northeastern Congo truly deserves our utmost attention and concern. First, the extent and persistence of the slaughter has resulted in an estimated 6 million deaths since 1996. Congolese in the northeast are brutalized and intimidated daily, men women and children live constantly with the threat of kidnap, rape, torture and death. Second, the extermination of the villages such as Makombo is something you and I, our Congress, and any person with a conscious and a piece of modern technology should take personally: This massacre is directly related to the highly profitable plunder of minerals, such as coltan, tungsten and cobalt, vital to our cell phones and computers. Mother Jones 2010: Blood and Treasure.

Indeed, the government in Kinshasa allows these massacres to continue, Rwandan and Ugandan leadership profit when villages of people are wiped out and enslaved to make room for unregulated resource mining. Yet the international community continues to provide the green light for both Kabila in Congo and Kagame in Rwanda and other international profit seekers to go on with their brutal business. Increased military presence and humanitarian aid will treat some of symptoms, but within this course of action, the underlying disease remains. For years to come it will cost a whole lot more than the 10 million dollars proposed in the Lord's Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act to support and treat the victims of the world’s most brutal and deadly conflict.

It is excellent that the Los Angeles Times has made an effort to expose this horrifying incident to the American public and push for meaningful steps to end the conflict. Allow me to introduce an important perspective, one that cannot be ignored if Congo is to find a sustained and lasting peace within the country and along its borders. It is the voices and insights of the Congolese that must be heard, for in the end, the affairs of the Congo must be determined by the Congolese. Policy alternatives by Congolese.

Congolese Women Appeal to the Global Community

2010-03-31T20:07:00.008-05:00

Congolese Women Offer Prescriptions for Ending Sexual Violence in Congo
By
Bibiane Aningina Tshefu, Women’s Coordinator & Adviser, Friends of the Congo and
Kambale Musavuli, Student Coordinator & Spokesperson, Friends of the Congo

During the week of March 1-12, 2010, several women from the D.R. Congo came to New York to participate at the United Nations 54th Commission on the Status of Women. This is a high level annual international Women’s Forum. The Congolese women represented both government and non-government sectors as well as different provinces of their country. They had ample opportunity to raise their concerns to the gathering during assembly, speak to United Nations officials, policy-makers, members of the New York civil society and community, as well as key members of President Obama’s administration.

The women came with a singular focus, to articulate how Congolese women felt the global community could best address the fourteen-year conflict in the D.R. Congo. Wherever the women ventured, whether it was a community forum in Harlem, gathering at local churches, forums at the United Nations or meetings with Obama administration officials, they articulated a consistent and resolute message. Listen to the Congolese for a change: as “we have repeatedly shared with the international community how they can optimally participate in bringing an end to the geo-strategic resource war in the Congo.”

Western based Think Tanks, humanitarian institutions and policy makers often argue that they have tried everything to bring an end to the conflict. However, a cursory look at the policies that have been prescribed or implemented reveals that almost every policy option tried, has avoided core grassroots women recommendations. Policies implemented by the international community are marked by a reluctance to pressure U.S. and British allies Rwanda, led by Paul Kagame and Uganda, headed by Yoweri Museveni. Also, in spite of the myriad United Nations studies, there has been deadly silence around the role of western mining interests in the perpetuation of the conflict.

The Congolese women shared the following prescriptions to bring an end to the conflict:
1. Call for an Inter-Rwandan dialogue between Rwanda’s Tutsi leadership and Hutu rebels inside Congo. There are no military solutions to what is essentially a political crisis.

2. Opening and expansion of democratic space inside both Rwanda and Uganda so their internal conflicts will cease being fought on the bodies of Congolese women.

3. Greater participation in political life and the decision-making process on the part of Congolese women.

4. Redirection of focus on the part of the global community from targeting the symptoms or effects of the conflict to addressing the root causes - primarily a foreign resource war being waged inside Congo to the detriment of innocent civilians.

In the final analysis, Sexual violence is a consequence of war, therefore, in order to end the violence against women, the conflict must end which requires an end to impunity inside the Congo and in the international community’s involvement in the Congo.

Click on below links to read the messages from the women:

Senator Eve Bazaiba Masudi – "The Political Implication of Congolese Women, for Change and the Promotion of Good Governance in the DRC "

Mme Annie Matundu Mbambi - "The Role and Involvement of Women in the Congolese Peace Process"

Mme Jeanine Gabrielle Ngungu - "The Problematic of Violence Against Women: A Major Challenge in the National Reconstruction Process"

Mme Marie-Claire Faray - "A Message From Congolese Women on the 8th March International Women's Day"

Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) message from Congolese women. Video message read by Katherin Machalek, WILPF consultant.

Remember to join Friends of Congo on the Break the Silence Tour. Click here to see tour stops!

Congolese Women Message to the UK Parliament

2010-03-23T09:00:00.001-05:00

1. Although the title of this event is stating that there is “Still no News on Congo”, we Congolese women have the following information for you; that we bring from the west and east of the country that human insecurity continue in DRC, because of poverty, corruption and lack of rule of law, illicit trafficking and proliferation of small arms, illegal exploitation of natural resources by multinational corporations in violation of OECD guidelines. Add to this, the inhumane treatment of soldiers. The Congolese soldiers are accused of being perpetrators, but we forget that they are also human beings and as well as victims who need and deserve special attention. The FARDC is made up of mixed rebels and non rebels men and women who have been abused by a vicious capitalist system, that is now asking the international community to train them while knowing that they are inhumanely treated, with no salary, homeless, no contact with their family and no sanitation. Furthermore the chain of command of the DRC army is one that is dictated by those who serve the interest of the multinational corporations that pillage the country while creating human insecurity. Sexual violence is not cultural or traditional in the D.R. Congo.

2. Sexual violence is a consequence and a strategy of war. It has been used as a tool of war, humiliation, destabilization and displacement of our communities. We cannot combat sexual violence without addressing the war and its roots causes. Statistics show that since 1997, the rate of sexual violence has increased proportionally to occurrence of the war and armed violence. There appears to be an internationally driven strategy to legitimize armed violence in the DRC provoking a low intensity war that is creating human insecurity and catastrophic humanitarian disasters through the displacement of entire populations. The atrocities and barbarity inflicted on the reproductive system of Congolese women was designed to negatively affect production for food security and reproduction of future generations of Congolese. This control of population growth in the DRC is an act of genocide. If you don’t want to call it that way, we Congolese are telling you that it is a 400 years old strategy to enslave and kill grassroots Congolese people in order to access precious and strategic natural resources. This is a strategy to stop human development of the Congolese people in particular and the Africa continent in general.

3. In order for change to occur in the DRC and to end this epidemic of sexual violence, we need to restore the rule of law and the human rights.

4. Today the DRC population is paying from the mismanagement of the 1994 Rwanda fratricide We. all share a passion to support Women in the Congo. We have have to support Congolese women who are working for change that entail building social, economic and political structures that will serveas foundations for genuine freedom, sustainable peace and development. This is a shared common vision and agenda to bring a definite end to the perpetration of the colonial relationship that exists between Congo and the West. Its time that the global community listen to grassroots Congolese, let Congolese drive the change required for human development and proceed with them on equal term as set by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

5. The international community, particularly the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, are invited to demonstrate a political will to end the conflict in the Great Lakes region of Africa. They are invited to demonstrate their commitment to peace by delegitimizing armed violence and ending the militarization and the support of oppressive regimes in the Great Lakes region of Africa, particularly Rwanda and Uganda. The U.K. and U.S. governments are particularly invited to stop applying a double standard by following the OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) guidelines and to call for effective inter-Rwadan and inter- Ugandan dialogues necessary for peace, security, good governance, economic development and regional stability. It is only by ending war and restoring the rule of law through distributive justice that sexual violence will be effectively addressed in the D.R. Congo.

A Message From Congolese Women on the 8th March International Women's Day

2010-03-10T09:37:00.002-05:00

Only Congolese will initiate and bring change in the D.R.C.

Despite all local challenges and harmful international interference in R.D.Congo for the past 400 years, the biggest courage is the one demonstrated to overcome fear of the oppression and to act for change. The courage demonstrated by grassroots Congolese women to resist and overcome the fear of their local and international oppressors will always remain marked in the history of Africa . At this moment, many Congolese women are rising and sacrificing themselves in rewriting history and to liberate themselves completely from the bondage of those who continue to oppress them, in order to give themselves and their children a chance of survival as well as a better future to new generations.

Congolese women are rejecting the victimhood stereotype that is conferred to them by many local and international NGOs. Congolsese women , particularly those who have suffered from atrocious human rights violations (sexual violence), want to have some dignity and be known for their mental strength and ability to survive hardship. Congolese women refuse to be used as a propaganda tools by politicians or NGOs, and feel that the pictures of their nudity and poverty as well as that of their children should not be exposed in such as way in America and Europe to draw sympathy and money that will never even reach the recipients.

Furthermore, Congolese women deplore the fact that today many international NGOs are using the victims of sexual violence as a commercial tool to build the administrative capacity of their organisations while ignoring completely the need of Congolese women as well as undermining the effort of local grassroots women and disempowering them.

Sexual violence is not cultural or traditional in the DRC but has been used as a tool of war, humiliation, destabilization and displacement of communities. They want the international community to know that that Sexual violence will only end by the restoration of peace and the application of rule of law in the DRC.

The international, communities, particularly the permanent members of the UN SC are invited to demonstrate a political will to end the conflict in the Great Lakes region of Africa . They are invited to demonstrate their commitment to peace by deligitimising armed violence, ending the militarization and the support of oppressive regimes in the Great Lakes region of Africa . The UK and US governments are particularly invited to stop double standard by following the OECD guidelines and to call for an effective interRwandan and InterUgandan dialogues necessary for Peace, Security, Good Governance, Economic Development and Regional Stability for eastern DRC, hence the Great Lakes Region. It is only by ending war and restoring the rule of law through distributive justice that sexual violence will be effectively addressed in the D.R.Congo.

In peace

Marie-Claire Faray

Nii Akuetteh's Letter to Nicholas Kristof

2010-02-17T21:26:00.001-05:00

Mr. Kristof:

Your just-concluded Congo series is superb. Thanks. Its two central questions outshine its many other gems: Given the millions already dead and the widespread rape and massive other suffering, why does the Eastern Congo catastrophe receive so little attention--compared to say Haiti or Darfur? And how can Americans ameliorate the situation?

For what they are worth, here are my insights.

Haiti receives big attention mostly because its devastation gives everyone great opportunity to play a beloved role—superior and compassionate Messiahs to the rescue. Because nature is to blame, non-Haitians need feel no guilt. The dramatic TV videos of French and American rescuers pulling out dying Haitians serve an even greater purpose. Those powerful pictures obliterate any possibility of imagining or believing an inconvenient historical truth—that for 200 years and counting, France and America have been ruthlessly strangling Haiti.

Darfur, like Haiti, received massive attention. There Westerners struck even bigger poses as saviors. Witness the largest American coalition calling itself “Save Darfur.” The apparent paradox--Darfur’s shocking devastation is largely man-made—is easily explained: In the age of the war against Islamic terror, what could be better than to give great publicity to bad Muslims killing good Muslims in Darfur?

Though its devastation is even greater, Congo differs in other respects. Unlike Haiti, the Congolese catastrophe is man-made. And unlike Darfur, the villains in Congo are not enemies of the West. Rather the Congo depredations are traceable to the countless “friendly tyrants” in Africa that US and French leaders have continued to nurture, protect and praise since the height of the Cold War. Exhibit A consists of Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni today. Exhibit B: Joseph Mobutu sese Seko yesterday. Thus in the Congo, the West collectively will find the Messiah role impossible to pull off. Consequently, it is expecting too much that Western leaders would voluntarily confess their costly Congo blunders to their decent, no-nonsense publics, even if the Congo death toll has exceeded six million.

The sound 4-point plan you present will improve the Congo situation immensely—PROVIDED Washington implements it. Implementation demands strong political will. Translation: We need intense grassroots pressure not unlike the Free South Africa Movement that, 25 years ago, overwhelmed Ronald Reagan’s support of apartheid South Africa.

Your column and The Times have a golden fleeting opportunity to help build today’s movement. Here is how.

Kambale Musavuli is a courageous Congolese studying in the US. With help from concerned Americans, he and other young Congolese have created Friends of the Congo, an advocacy group. It has just started the “Break the Silence” campaign. The aim is to get American campuses discussing events in the Congo.

Publicity. That is the campaign’s sorely-needed oxygen. My key suggestion Mr. Kristof is that your column and the entire New York Times organization should give the campaign significant publicity. This is will turn the young people’s spark into a steady flame.

Thereafter, the flame must be transformed into a fire, a national conversation. Its topic? A thorough review of America’s friendly tyrant policy and its role in the Congo during and since the Cold War.

I admit the conversation will be quite controversial. Inevitably, ideologues and opportunists on the right will try to intimidate critics with charges of hating America. Still, courageous, patriotic Americans must stand firm and the conversation must happen.

If and when it happens, the conversation would entail excruciating American self-examination. However, in Gdansk last September, Angela Merkel demonstrated that painful national self-examination is doable, liberating and beneficial.

Another reason for the American conversation is that Congo’s dead and dying need it. It is a vital first step. Unless it happens, Congo’s agony will be prolonged for an unconscionably long time.

After the conversation starts, subsequent steps must include the four you outline plus vigorous other American policies that hold Mr. Kagame and Mr. Museveni accountable--at least for their direct and indirect actions in the Congo.

So once more thank you very much shining a light on the Congo.

Could you now publicize and help transform the Break the Silence campaign?

Pleeease.

Contact Mr. Akuetteh at niiakuetteh12@yahoo.com

Why Nicholas Kristof is Wrong on Congo

2010-02-11T05:09:00.003-05:00

In Nicholas Kristof's latest (February 11, 2010 NY Times Commentary) prescriptions for the Congo he gets a lot wrong. He would benefit a great deal by truly listening to the aspirations of the Congolese people.

Mr. Kristof has one thing right but true to his symptomatic approach around the Congo he has almost everything else wrong. Yes, the United States certainly need to lead a global diplomatic push, it’s the least it can do considering the destructive policies it has had in the Congo for the last 50 years – CIA role in the assassination of democratically elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, the installation and backing of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, Backing of two invasions (1996 & 1998) of the Congo by its allies Rwanda and Uganda, the carte blanche it has given Rwanda and Uganda in spite of their decade-long destabilization of the Congo, the silence around U.S. corporate looting of Congo’s minerals and its repeated backing of the militarization (President Obama should dismantle the Bush-Rumsfeld initiated AFRICOM http://www.resistafricom.org) of the Congo.

The Four step approach that would work best to end the conflict is:

1. Listen to the Congolese (http://www.change.org/friendsofthecongo). The last thing the Congolese need is yet more Western imposed solutions which are intrinsically limited because almost all these solutions seek to protect and prioritize U.S. strategic and Corporate interests in Central Africa at the expense of the people.

2. President Obama needs to change the way he along with both the Bush and Clinton administrations has engaged in Congo. Jim D ought to know that the US is already in the Congo and spending money there (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/07/world/africa/07congo.html?_r=1). It’s that they have prioritized military options as opposed to diplomacy and a political path and of course they have prioritized profit over the people. Those western corporations (http://conflictminerals.org/us-canadian-companies-involved-in-congo/)that have pilfered Congo over the past 14 years should be held to account and provide restitution to the Congolese people.

3. The United States need to hold its allies Rwanda and Uganda (The International Court of Justice ruled in 2005 that Congo is entitled to $10 billion in reparations from Uganda (http://www.globalpolicy.org/intljustice/icj/2007/0726ugandapayup.htm) because of its looting of Congo’s wealth and commission of crimes against humanity) accountable in a similar fashion to the manner in which Sweden and Netherlands did in 2008 by withholding aid from Rwanda because of its destabilization efforts in Congo. The United States can do this by enforcing the laws it already has on its books. Public law 109-456, Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006, section 105 calls for the Secretary of State to withhold foreign assistance to neighboring countries that destabilize the Congo.

4. President Obama can break from the past and establish a new relationship with Africa by finally genuinely supporting the non-violent democratic forces in the Congo. President Obama should make good on his words in his Ghana speech of July 2009 (http://www.america.gov/st/texttrans-english/2009/July/20090711110050abretnuh0.1079783.html) when he noted that he aims to support strong institutions and not strong men. Well, he can start by drastically curbing support for US strongmen Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame (an international arrest warrant (http://jicj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/6/5/1003) is out on 40 of his top officials by a Spanish court for committing crimes against humanity and war crimes in the Congo; Kagame would be on the list too if he were not a sitting head of state). He can in turn support and help strengthen local institutions in the Congo and while making the US a partner for democracy in the Congo by using its diplomatic heft to assure free and transparent elections in 2011.

Wycleff Responds to Charges Concerning Finances of Yele

2010-01-16T19:06:00.000-05:00

Haiti Needs Your Support: Message by Wyclef Jean

2010-01-14T15:15:00.004-05:00

“Haiti today faced a natural disaster of unprecedented proportion, an earthquake unlike anything the country has ever experienced.

The magnitude 7.0 earthquake – and several very strong aftershocks – struck only 10 miles from Port-au-Prince.

I cannot stress enough what a human disaster this is, and idle hands will only make this tragedy worse. The over 2 million people in Port-au-Prince tonight face catastrophe alone. We must act now.

President Obama has already said that the U.S. stands ‘ready to assist’ the Haitian people. The U.S. Military is the only group trained and prepared to offer that assistance immediately. They must do so as soon as possible. The international community must also rise to the occasion and help the Haitian people in every way possible.”

Many people have already reached out to see what they can do right now. We are asking those interested to please do one of two things: Either you can use your cell phone to text “Yele” to 501501, which will automatically donate $5 to the Yele Haiti Earthquake Fund (it will be charged to your cell phone bill), or you can click here to DONATE.

Wyclef Jean

Articles and Historical Sources on Haiti:
Haiti: the land where children eat mud By Alex von Tunzelmann
Country Without a Net by Tracy Kidder
How the U.S. impoverished Haiti by Jean Damu

Black Jacobins by C. L. R. James
Toussaint l'Ouverture biography
Jean-Jacques Dessalines Biography
Naomi Klein on Haiti Disaster Capitalism

The United Nations and the Suffering of Congolese Civilians

2009-12-16T12:54:00.003-05:00

The United Nations group of experts recently published their final report of the group of experts (PDF). They have been issuing reports on the Congo Crisis for the last decade. This report (PDF) is the latest in a series of reports published on the on-going conflict in the Congo and should be read as such, as opposed to the manner in which some misguided Think Tanks and media outlets have interpreted the report (PDF). A classic case of the misguided reading has been spurious reports that the “first” American company has been identified as participating in the trade of so-called conflict minerals. The fact of the matter is the United Nations has done a plethora of studies since 2001 identifying US companies that have contributed to the fueling of the conflict in the Congo. See a list of Western Companies involved in Congo since the 1996 invasion by US allies Rwanda and Uganda.

Human Rights Watch also published a recent report, which assessed the joint operations between the Congolese military and the United Nations forces. As expected the report was critical of the joint operations and recommended that the United Nations end its support of the military operations.
Read HRW Press Release
Read HRW full report

The Basics of the Chinese Deal

2009-11-19T11:40:00.006-05:00

In the wake of this morning’s report by Bloomberg news we have to take a moment to lay bear how the game is really played and some of the reasons why Congo is likely to remain dependent and impoverished for at least another generation and maybe more.

As the Paris Club meets (although the affairs of the Congo are being determined, no Congolese official is a part of these talks or decisions in Paris) to decide upon the “forgiveness” of a portion of Congo’s illegitimate and odious $11 billion debt accumulated during the Western-backed dictatorial Mobutu era (1965 - 1997), the United States and Canada are apparently seeking “clarification” on the Freeport McMoran and First Quantum contracts; both of which are a part of the contract review process began by the Congolese government in 2007.

These are part and parcel of the contracts that experts reviewing the contracts on behalf of the Carter Center said that they had not seen such egregiously lopsided contracts in 30 years of assessing such contracts. These are the very same contracts that the United States and Canada have been silent on in spite of the plethora of independent studies that have clearly documented how lopsided and opaque they have been and the degree to which they exploit the people of the Congo.

As a result of the contract review process (2007 – present), the government canceled the First Quantum deal (First Quantum says it is still seeking a negotiated solution) and the Freeport McMoran deal is still unresolved. In our unpacking of the Chinese deal we will compare the Chinese deal with the Freeport McMoran contract in upcoming blogs in this series.

Anatomy of the Chinese Deal

The deal was established in the Fall of 2007, finally consummated in the Spring of 2008 and given the green light by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in October 2009 after the restructuring of the deal to meet IMF terms. It is a mineral for infrastructure swap between the Congolese government and the Chinese government represented by a number of state companies. The basic principle is that the deal would provide the Congo with transport and social infrastructure in exchange for access to mineral resources.

Players: Gecamines, Sinohydro Corporation, China Railway Group, Metallurgical Group Corporation
Type of Partnership: Joint Venture
Equity: China 68 percent Congo 32 percent (Congo only receives 17% equity in its deal with American company Freeport McMoran)
Initial Value of the Deal: $9 billion
Renegotiated Value due to IMF pressure: $6 billion
Duration of Contract: Approximately 30 years

Stated Benefit to Congo:
4,000 KM road network
3,200 KM Rail system
31 Hospitals with 135 beds each
145 Health Centers with 50 beds each
49 clean water distribution centers
4 large universities
A Parliament building

Stated Benefit to China:
10.6 million tons of copper and 626,619 tons of cobalt

Year concessions expected to come into Production: 2013

Primary demand of the IMF: The deal had to be restructured so that the Congolese government would not assume any additional debt. As a part of the initial deal the Chinese had required the Congolese government would guarantee the repayment of the infrastructure investments in case the profits of the mining projects would not be sufficient to offset the costs of the development of the infrastructure projects.

IMF Promises as a result of the renegotiated Chinese deal: Paris Club would forgive most of the Congo’s $11 billion debt. IMF would provide Congo with $600 million for government operations under a new three-year “poverty reduction” agreement (2009 – 2011).

China, Congo and the International Monetary Fund

2009-11-18T17:28:00.004-05:00

Over the next several days we will deconstruct the Chinese Congo deal and the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Much of the exchanges have played out in rarified air on the pages of the Financial Times. We look to bring the exchange down to the ground so one can fully understand why we maintain that one of the challenges facing Congo since its modern founding is that it has been the subject of geo-political intrigue and battles resulting in the affairs of the Congo being determined by Great powers as opposed to the people of the Congo. Congo's very creation was a result of European geo-strategic interests at the 1884/85 Berlin/Congo conference.

The Paris Club is considering the the retirement of much of Congo's $11 billion debt as a direct result of the Congolese government succumbing to pressure from the International Monetary Fund and restructuring the $9 billion Chinese agreement to $6 billion.

In the upcoming blogs we will analyze four main elements:
1. $9 billion Chinese infrastructure for minerals swap/barter
2. The role of the IMF in shaping Congo's fiscal policies
3. Comparison and contrast between the Chinese deal and the Freeport McMoran Tenke contract
4. The role of the $11 billion debt accumulated under the West's dictator Mobutu Sese Seko (1960, 1965 - 1997)

The Militarization of the Congo: When Will It Stop

2009-11-06T09:00:00.002-05:00

The recent Human Rights Watch report and reports from many Congolese have consistently documented the failed nature of the military approach to addressing what is in essence a political challenge.

Human Rights Watch has warned the United Nations that it may be complicit in crimes against humanity due to its support of the Congolese army and its Kimia II military campaign. The armed forces of the Congo (FARDC in French) are for all intents and purposes a hodge-podge of former rebel groups. Even in Human Rights Watch description that the Congolese army is committing atrocities and abuses against the civilian population does not quite get to the root of the matter. What is transpiring is those rebel groups that have been “integrated” into the Congolese army as entire battalions are continuing the same practices they pursued while they were rebels. They are still in control of mines and collecting taxes in regions where they exercise military dominance outside of the purview of the Congolese government. We are talking here primarily about the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), which is lead by Bosco Ntaganda and sidelined figure Laurent Nkunda, who according to reports is moving freely in Rwanda as opposed to being under arrest as is commnly portrayed.

The central question that remains, is how many more civilians have to die before a comprehensive concerted political process is initiated that lays out a framework that includes the neighboring governments, particularly Rwanda and Uganda but also to some degree Burundi; the Congolese government and FDLR and other rebel groups. Lack of political space in Rwanda and Uganda is a key part of the reason that a war is being fought on the bodies of Congolese women. Very little will change in the region without opening of political space in the countries involved, including the Congo itself. The United States has a critical role to play in addressing this problem in light of its historical support of policies that have perpetuated the conflict. Great Britain also has leverage on the players in the region and can play a constructive role in bringing an end to the atrocities in the Congo. Both countries need to radically change their policies to the point where they throw their weight behind the opening of political space in the region as opposed to their long-held practice of supporting strongmen, authoritarian regimes, military ventures and corporate plundering, all of which have been the difference maker in a region of weak and fragile states.

What Can and Should Be Done:
1. The United States and Great Britain should step up its diplomatic engagement as opposed to the military approach they are currently pursuing.
2. Back a political path to sustainable peace and stability
3. Hold accountable its corporations that are contributing to the fueling of the conflict and the exploitation of the people.
4. Support the strengthening of local institutions as opposed to its current approach of strengthening the military.

Our mining companies' responsibility to the Congo: Response from FOTC Canada

2009-10-29T13:39:00.004-05:00

The 2002, 2003 and 2008 UN reports from the Panel of Experts on Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic of Congo establish a clear link between the presence of mining companies and the militarization that leads to crimes against humanity in the Congo. Moreover, it is the case that half of the worldwide capital raised for mining and mineral exploration companies is done through the Toronto Stock Exchange.

However, the remedy proposed in this article, voluntary corporate responsibility, is insufficient. To suggest that mining companies can solve the problem without addressing the issue of their very culpability is not helpful. Hence, this is a band aid solution that gives mining companies carte blanche to continue doing harm while pretending to be philanthropists.

As a Congolese, my people need empowerment towards self-reliance for security, social and political capacity building in the Congo within the framework of local institutions. Firstly, a transparent and equitable consultation process with the Congolese for access to their land via a wholesale renegotiation of the current mining contracts that one-sidedly benefit the mining companies.

Secondly, fair-minded United States and Canadian citizens need to pressure their government to enact transparent and mandatory legislative programmes to reign in the mining companies. Liberal MP John McKay’s Bill C-300 is a necessary first step.

Finally, Canada should take necessary measures along with the US and the international community to assert diplomatic pressure on Rwanda and Uganda so as to stop the latter’s support of militias and military intervention in the Congo. The West must favour a political settlement rather an illusive military solution.

Click here for original article!

Bodia Macharia, President
Friends of the Congo, University of Toronto
Email: fotcuoft@gmail.com

Hip-Hop Battle Packs Out Stadium in Goma

2009-10-27T07:11:00.002-05:00

Cercle Sportif, the main basketball court in town, was filled with 3,500 people sitting in the bleachers, climbing on the hoops, standing on the walls, all pressing in to see the SKIFF hip-hop dance competition featuring seven groups from Goma.

The event kicked off with a local Taekwondo performance done Congolese style to the music of Lokua Kanza, the famous Congolese rumba and jazz musician. The dance groups followed with local musicians performing in between the dances.

The jury consisted of two professional Congolese dancers from Kinshasa, Lucie Mbuyi and Jolie Madala Ngemi, Ugandan breakdancer Abdoul Kanyinye, and Finnish dancer Anna Muionen. While the jury deliberated their decision, the crowd was entertained by a Michael Jackson dance competition featuring three groups whose moonwalks made one question if these boys were not somehow part of the Jackson family.

The top two groups were announced and danced off in a hip-hop battle both in groups and individually. The crowd voted on the winner by reverberating the stadium with it choice and ultimately the jury agreed; the prize went to the Street Dancers and the runner-up prize went to Lil’ Saint. Street Dancers won the chance to perform at Festival Munjansa in Kinshasa and Lil’ Saint won the chance to travel performing around the province of North Kivu.

Following the hip-hop battles, the film screening was Goma Focus, highlighting films made by Congolese filmmakers in Goma with actors from Goma. The films featured were Prejudice by Horeb Bulambo and 21 Puce by Modogo Mutembwi. Overall, the day was a success pulling together people from all different walks of life in Goma to show their support for local artists and for peace in the region.

Find out more about SKIFF and the youth of Goma

SKIFF Workshop, Goma, DRC

2009-10-20T13:29:00.001-05:00

SKIFF hosted two film and script-writing workshops led by Congolese filmmaker Petna Ndaliko and Kenyan filmmaker and human rights activist, Ndungi Githuku. Githuku and Ndaliko taught the workshop through the lens of the theme of the festival; how can art and film be used as a tool for development and social cohesion?

The students walked through the steps of critiquing a film and the research process in choosing a subject for a film. Ndaliko stressed the importance of Africans taking control of their own image through expression in media and art and creating an alternative way of educating Congolese thorough the mediums of film and literature.

The Congo has never had a functioning education system from colonization to the Mobutu dictatorship to the present day.

“People are not taught to think, they are not taught to ask for their rights, and the system does not give priority to the students. Our emancipation rests in changing the education system shaped by the construction of a critical, new media through films and literature,” Ndaliko stated.

Githuku and Ndaliko were impressed with the willingness and the thirst for learning from all the workshop attendees who told the two directors, “You have all this information that we want to know, how can we get access to this?” This is the problem that faces many African countries; especially Congo where it is rare to find relevant text books in schools.

“It is a matter of getting the information to the people in way that is accessible,” said Ndaliko, “we need to democratize the media space by increasing access to the internet and to books. We need to create regional and international educational exchanges so that people are connected to the information that will help them.”

The students finished by writing their own film synopsis after walking through research exercises. After reading their synopses aloud to the group, one of the students said, “We need more of this. We need space to be creative and people that teach us new ways of doing things.”

Click here to find out more about SKIFF.

Vanguard Students Break the Silence

2009-10-18T12:06:00.001-05:00

US Ambassador to Congo to Discuss AFRICOM

2009-09-30T11:19:00.002-05:00

SAIS African Studies and the Institute for Policy Studies
Present
The Future of US Military Involvement in Africa
The Case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo

The United States Military Command for Africa (AFRICOM) officially began one year ago. This new command has been active in its first year training troops throughout the continent, providing supplies, and even building schools. AFRICOM has both raised great support and harsh criticism throughout Africa and in the United States. Please join us in a critical discussion of the future of United States military involvement in Africa by examining the case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Ambassador William J. Garvelink, US Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Prosper Bunzigiye, Congolese Human Rights Activist
Lauren Ploch, Congressional Research Services

Moderated by Emira Woods, Co-Director of Foreign Policy in Focus at the Institute for Policy Studies

Thursday, October 1, 2009 12:30-2:00 PM Kenney Auditorium, Nitze Building 1740 Massachusetts Avenue, NW

For more information and to RSVP, please contact Alyssa (Alyssa@ips-dc.org)

Read (PDF) the Congolese International Congress Analysis on AFRICOM.

Remember to join us for Congo Week (October 18 - 24) - www.congoweek.org