Tuesday, November 24, 2015

Free Radek

Free Radek
By Francine Mukwaya
UK Representative
Friends of The Congo

Congolese youth have stepped up their resistance against the repressive regime of Joseph Kabila. The regime has responded by killing, jailing and running into exile the youth. One of the victims of the Regime’s repressive measures is popular Kinshasa-based rapper, Radek Supreme (Mapeki N’Landu Junior).  The Congo’s National Intelligence Agency (ANR) arrested Radek on May 19, 2015. He is currently being held at the ANR compound in Kinshasa. He is subject to severe pressure on the part of Kabila’s intelligence services and is being held in inhumane conditions.

Radek was born on October 25, 1981 in Kinshasa, capital of the DRC. Radek is a husband and a father. He is married to Dora Agoloa and the two have a young girl together. Radek played an integral role in mobilizing Kinshasa youth during the #Telema uprisings in January 2015. He has used his platform as a rapper to critique government policies, especially the attempt on the part of Joseph Kabila to hold on to power beyond the two-term mandate enshrined in Congo’s constitution.

Since January, many Congolese have stepped up their resistance to Joseph Kabila’s attempt to hold on to power beyond his constitutional mandate. Opposition politicians, youth leaders, church leaders, civil society, even members of Kabila’s ruling coalition and most notably former member of Kabila’s political party and former governor of the Katanga province Moise Katumbi, have all spoken out against president Kabila’s aim to remain in power by any means necessary.

Radek does not shy away from political messages in his music. The Congolese government seems to be concerned about his overtly political rap. In addition, the government has linked him to the so-called combatants (militant Congolese Diaspora formation that mobilizes for Kabila to step down from office). The government has also associated Radek with the latest incarnation of FILIMBI, whose members organized a forum in March of 2015, which resulted in the arrests of Burkina Faso and Senegalese activists, diplomats, journalists and Congolese youth. Two of the Congolese youth (Yves Makwambala and Fred Bauma) that the Kabila regime arrested are still in prison eight months later. These youth have been wrongly accused of terrorism and sedition simply for organizing a forum to educate their fellow youth and the Kinshasa residents about their civic responsibility as citizens of the DRC.

It is vital that we call for the release of Radek, Fred, Yves and all political prisoners locked up in Kabila’s jail.

Libérez Radek

Libérez Radek
Par Francine Mukwaya
Représentante de la Grande-Bretagne
Friends of the Congo

La jeunesse congolaise a fait un nouveau pas dans sa résistance au régime répressif de Joseph Kabila. Le régime a rendu des comptes sur les meurtres, l’incarcération, et la déportation en exil de sa jeunesse. Une des victimes des mesures de ce régime répressif est le rapper populaire Radek Supreme (Mapeki N’Landu Junior).  Les services de l’Agence nationale de renseignements [National Intelligence Agency (ANR)] a arrêté Radek  le 19 Mai 2015. Il est actuellement détenu dans le camp ANR de Kinshasa. Il est victime de pressions sévères et est détenu dans des conditions inhumaines.

Radek est né le 25 Octobre 1981 à Kinshasa, capital de la République démocratique du Congo. Il est un père et un époux. Il est marié à Dora Agoloa et ils ont une petite fille. Radek a joué un rôle crucial dans la mobilisation de la jeunesse de Kinshasa pendant les soulèvements de #Telema en Janvier 2015. Il a utilisé sa plateforme de rappeur pour critiquer la politique gouvernementale, spécialement les tentatives de Joseph Kabila de garder le pouvoir au-delà des deux termes de son mandat inscrits dans la constitution. 

Depuis Janvier de nombreux congolais ont accru leur résistance aux tentatives de Joseph Kabila de garder le pouvoir au-delà de son mandat constitutionnel.  Des politiciens de l’opposition, des leaders de la jeunesse, des chefs de l’église, la société civile, et même des membres de la coalition de Kabila, dont notablement l’ancien membre du parti politique de Kabila et ancien gouverneur de la province du Katanga, Moise Katumbi, ont tous pris position contre l’objectif de Kabila de se maintenir au pouvoir par tous les moyens possibles.

Radek ne néglige pas les messages politiques dans sa musique. Le Gouvernement congolais semble être préoccupé par son rap ouvertement politique. En plus, le gouvernement l’a lié aux soi-disant combattants ( la formation militante de la diaspora congolaise qui s’est mobilisée pour exclure Kabila de son poste) Le Gouvernement a aussi associé Radek avec les dernières incarnations du FILIMBI, dont les membres ont organisé un forum en Mars 2015 qui a entrainé l’arrestation d’activistes du Burkina Fasso et du Sénégal, de diplomates, de journalistes et de jeunes congolais. Deux de ces jeunes (Yves Makwambala and Fred Bauma) que le régime de Kabila a arrêté sont toujours en prison huit mois plus tard. Ces jeunes ont a été faussement accuses de terrorisme et de sedition pour avoir simplement organize un forum afin d’éduquer leur compatriotes et les résidents de Kinshasa sur leurs responsabilités civiques en tant que citoyens de la République démocratique du Congo.

Il est vital que nous exigions la libération de Radek, de Fred, Yves et de tous les prisonniers politiques incarcérés dans les prisons de Kabila.

Friday, September 18, 2015

Letter From G7 to President Kabila

Kinshasa September 14, 2015
Copy for information
To members of the Political Bureau of the Presidential Majority, MP


To his Excellency Mr. Joseph Kabila Kabange
President of the Democratic Republic of Congo
Moral Authority of Presidential Majority
(With the expression of our most deferent tribute)

His Excellency, the President of the Republic

1. Let us be allowed to recall that ten years ago, the call to general mobilization and rehabilitation of the country, you invited us to join you in order to establish a welded political family around a shared vision for the future of the Democratic Republic of Congo and in the framework of a new political order established by a new constitution.

2. Together we conducted the campaign which led to the adoption of that constitution on  December 19, 2005, by 85 percent of Congolese population.

3. This is the occasion for us, Mr. President of the Republic to recall and affirm that the partnership we have committed ten years ago, is based on the republican and democratic values enshrined in the constitution of February 18, 2006.

4. Subsequently, we are mobilized to win the elections in order to give a wide majority of the government and have continued to support your action in the head of the country. In this action, the meeting of legitimate aspirations of Congolese people has remained a constant concern. In spite of failures and mistakes related to all human doing, we must recognize that under your leadership, the structural transformation of Congolese society and of the country economy has been well set. Although today social inequalities are still too numerous and poverty continue to hit severely the vast majority of the population, there is not less truth that significant  progress have been accomplished in the areas related to the daily life of our compatriots.

5. It is in that mind  and  in view to safeguard our common values and achievements above mentioned that in last February, after sad events that bereaved the capital as well as a lot of cities of the country and based on the doubt that had conquer Congolese society, particularly among the youth, it was our duty as members of Presidential majority to let you know about our preoccupation  on the need to reinforce the contract of trust between the power in place and Congolese people, on one side and among our institutions and international community on the other.

6. Our deep motivation in addressing to your high authority the two letters from last February and March, was on one side to bring our humble contribution to the consolidation of democracy and of civilian peace in order to save our country from useless politics crises and the other side to avoid presidential majority in power  to have responsibility of a such crises, with unexpected consequences and which we cannot avoid in our political family along with our country  the Democratic Republic of Congo, to come out grown.
7. As a reminder, we have expressed in this correspondence our worries about old reviews or change of our constitution, attempts to rewrite electoral laws, rushing dismemberment of our provinces, controversial organization of local and municipal elections and internal functioning of Presidential Majority, our political family.

8. Today, we are noticing rushing installation of new provinces has led to the weakening of the state and misrule in national territory administration. Moreover, this chaotic situation has brought the constitutional court recently installed, not only to notice it, but also to suggest exceptional rules that upset the constitution.

9. As for the next elections awaited by Congolese people, every day that goes by, brings a lot of confusions instead of clarity. In fact, it is for example, very difficult to understand  when CENI and your high authority recognize the relevance of the enlistment of new major, brings the parliament to adopt in a particular way the law on the allocation of seats for local and municipal elections.

10. In truth, the last extraordinary session of the parliament and the order of constitutional court a brought under the request of CENI, Tuesday, Courant September 8, has led to the crush in most of Congolese people that there are unspoken intentions of not respecting the constitution, to discredit and to desecrate institutions on which are based all democratic regime, as it could exist another way that institutional order for which millions of Congolese have made a lot of sacrifices.

11. Moreover, due to the weakening of National cohesion and the slow pace of democratization process, we are experiencing in some parts of National territories interethnic tensions and increase of crimes organized such as cyclic killings in the region of Beni in North Kivu.

12. In this context,  to come back to the consent and historical compromising laboriously obtained by the forces of Congolese nation in Sun City, Institutional order written inside the constitution will only increase mistrust towards leaders  and generate instability and insecurity His excellency  Mr. President of the Republic.

13. The gravity of the situation and the risks that it weight on the future of  The Democratic Republic of Congo call to courageous political initiatives as well as on  your side and to the one of Presidential Majority.

14. Facing this situation and when and where  to prepare for it---And in addition Outside---A political dialogue, we are obliged to bring to you our contribution to the search for effective solutions to the major challenges of the time.

15. In fact, it is fundamental to ensure an absolute respect for the constitution. That respect is a pledge for civil peace, security, stability and unity of our country. As taught by history, in particular the one for our country, those fundamentals for the development of a nation does not come from one man, it is providential also from the action of all citizens sharing same values and looking towards same direction.

16.  Have no doubt, the dialogue projected as a failure if it is not based on strong will to affirm the inviolability of our constitution, and to respect all dispositions particularly concerning fundamental values of our national solidarity, freedom of expression and manifestation, electoral deadlines and political changes.

17. As for Electoral process, in search of peace and stability, the organization for free elections, transparency, credibility and settled constitute essential premise in the establishment of democracy and establishment of state of the law. Not being able to organize provincial and senatorial elections in due time and now even the one that are less expensive, mayors and assistant mayors of provinces are surprised by the general suspicion which is set up against us, willing to keep local elections, municipal and urbane.

18. That is why, Mr. President of the Republic, in regard to financial challenges and based on the need of ensuring management of provinces and of respecting what it written on articles 73 and 103 of the constitution, we are before a strong obligation to stop at the organization of presidential elections, legislative, senatorial and provincial, based on a revised file.

19. In the matter of this file, it is important to be reminded that all Congolese must fulfill legal conditions to be voter and eligible, freely exercise his constitutional laws. Therefore, the enrollment to the new majors and cleaning of electoral files are compulsory and appear to us as non- negotiable.

20. Concerning the election of mayors and assistant mayors of new provinces, it is important to mention that it must be organized. It does not fit to use the fishy statement by the recent constitutional court pledge which will only delay the process. Failing to keep it on time for technical  objective, urgent modification of the programming law must be in place in the sense of its progressive application, in which this or that province is or is not ready materially or politicaly.

21. It goes without saying that all current difficulties and the delay accumulated in the organization of elections call therefore an adjustment of the electoral calendar. However, this adjustment must imperatively respect the constitutions deadline and be in full transparency. In order to meet the above concerns, it is important to prune the electoral process of all that is the overloaded nature, to delay the deadline and to worsen the climate of peace and national cohesion already fragile.

22. At one year of the elections, eager to preserve democratically the power, in order to continue the work of country recovery agreed with you, the presidential majority must prepare to tackle in complete serenity and in conformity with its chart, the next elections in view of political alternation. We believe that our majority has everything to win in transparency and succeed the bet of political alternation in peace. The actual strategy seems to be suicidal. It is important to adopt another one, more realistic and carrier of success.

23. Such is the approach we are suggestions in order to defuse tension that, since more than one year, increases in the country, to defuse the internal political situation and find together strong solutions towards major challenges in which the Democratic Republic of Congo is facing at the moment, meaning the one for organizations of democratic, transparent and credible elections.

Please accept, His Excellency Mr. President of the Republic, the expression of our highest consideration.


Wednesday, April 01, 2015

Free FILIMBI Youth

Congolese youth have been mobilizing and taking action throughout the democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They seek fundamental, peaceful, non-violent change, not merely a political alternative. When it became clear to them that President Joseph Kabila was seeking to remain in power by any means necessary, they stepped up their efforts to educate and mobilize the Congolese population to become more engaged in advocating for change throughout the country.

The youth established a broad network of student and youth organizations under the banner of FILIMBI. The FILIMBI network has taken a number of actions via "Nous Sommes Congo,"We are Congo." The most consequential action was FILIMBI's participation in the January 19 - 22 demonstrations against the change in the electoral law. These demonstrations were dubbed the #Telema uprisings.

The demonstrations resulted in at least 42 people dead, most at the hands of the Kabila regime's security forces, 15 of the 42 dead came directly from the FILIMBI network. Many suffered bullet wounds and were hospitalized as a result and hundreds were arrested, estimates run as high as 400. In spite of the repressive actions by the government, the youth and those who went into the streets prevailed and the government's attempt to legalize Joseph Kabila's stay in power beyond his constitutional mandate failed.

The latest repressive action against the youth occurred on March 15th. The youth in the FILIMBI network invited their counterparts from Senegal and Burkina Faso to share experiences and strategies regarding civic engagement. The Congolese government unleashed its security forces on a press conference organized by the youth arresting everyone it could; journalists, musicians, the youth from Burkina Faso and Senegal and Congolese youth who are a part of the FILIMBI network.

The foreign journalists were released the same day and the youth from Burkina Faso were released several days later, declared persona non-grata and sent back to their countries. However, the Congolese youth are still in the hands of Congo's security forces and have not been afforded due process. In fact, the government spokesperson have painted them as terrorists seeking to mount an armed insurrection.

At least five individuals (Sylvain Saluseke, Fred Bauma, Yves Makwambala, Deddy Kishimbi, DieuMerci) are in the hands of Congo's security forces. Friends of the Congo has launched the "Free FILIMBI Youth" campaign. The purpose of the Campaign is to free the FILIMBI youth along with hundreds arrested from the January 19 - 22nd demonstrations as well as all political prisoners among them, the likes of Jean Bertrand Ewanga, Diomi Ndongala, Jean-Claude Muyambo, Vano Kiboko, Christopher Ngoy, Mike Mukebay and many others.

Join the campaign:
Click here to access the Telema action page where you can sign petitions, make calls, send emails, tweet, donate, sign-up for updates or volunteer

Monday, February 16, 2015

The March For Democracy

On February 16, 1992, Congolese Christians responded to a call by the Catholic Church to protest peacefully and demand the reopening of the Sovereign National Conference (Conference National Souveraine - CNS in French). The conference was a democratic forum composed of delegates who represented all layers of the society in the Congo (Zaire at the time) from members of civil society, political parties, the military, the diaspora, as well as the president himself (Mobutu Se Seko). This conference was tasked with interrogating the country’s history and finding a way to deal with the multidimensional national crisis (political, economic, social, cultural, and moral) that the country was facing in 1990.

On January 19, 1992, then-Mobutu-appointed prime minister Nguza Karl-I-Bond announced the suspension of the Sovereign National Conference on radio and television. This decision to suspend the CNS angered many Congolese who had high hopes that this democratic process would help the country extricate itself from dictatorial rule. The Catholic Church, which at the time distanced itself from Mobutu's regime and became more vocal about Mobutu's human rights abuse, made a call to all Christians and civil society groups for a massive demonstration to reopen the Sovereign National Conference. Thousands of marchers from all backgrounds converged on the Tata Raphaël stadium. Police and soldiers opened fire on the marchers before they could reach their destination, killing more than forty people. This incident, which caused international outcry as news began to enter the western world, forced the government to reinstate the CNS in April 1991 and served as a pivotal point in Congo's struggle toward democratization.

In his book "The History of the Congo," Dr Didier Gondola revisits this important date and give us the reason why Christians in the Congo took to the streets. He says: "In early 1992, Mobutu decided to disband the Sovereign National Conference (Conference Nationale Souveraine - CNS), an assembly whose main task was to create a new constitution and organize democratic elections. In response to this decision, strong opposition mounted among Kinshasa's independent churches. On February 16, 1992, thousands of church members took their grievances to the streets of the capital in what was dubbed by its organizers as the "March of Hope" (Marche de l'Espoir). Marchers held banners demanding the reopening of the CNS, and they chanted songs against violence and dictatorship. The peaceful march ended in a bloodbath when the army intervened and gunned down dozens of demonstrators. The March of Hope has since been held up as a major turning point in the relations between the church and state. It was also an event that precipitated the end of Mobutu's regime."

Sunday, January 04, 2015

Martyrs Day: Are Congolese Women Paying the Price?

January 4th is a historic day in Congo’s history, which serves as a national holiday. On January 4, 1959, ordinary Congolese stood in defiance of Belgian colonialism demanding independence. Congolese in Kinshasa unleashed a spontaneous uprising out of frustration with the repressive Belgian colonial regime. In his seminal work "Congo: From Leopold to Kabila," Dr Georges Nzongola Ntalaja said the march on January 4, 1959 "sounded the death knell of Belgian Colonialism in the Congo." The unifying chant of the marchers was "Indépendance Immediate" or "Independence Now" in English. The uprising represented the radicalization of the struggle for independence. It frightened not only the Belgian authorities but also the Congolese elites know as évolués.

Nine days later on January 13, 1959 both the King of Belgium and the Belgium government announced that in due time Belgium would grant Congo full independence. In the conscience of the nation, the day represents the historic point of departure for the independence of the Congo from Belgian colonialism.

The courageous stance by that generation of Congolese served as a key catalyst for Congo’s independence in 1960. Since the 1960s Congolese have celebrated and commemorated that generation’s actions and named the day “la journée des martyrs de l’indépendance,” or in English, independence Martyrs Day. Without a doubt, Congolese of that era made enormous sacrifices for freedom and independence.

This year's Martyrs Day begs for Congolese youth of courage to overcome their fears and draw on the inspiration of past generations and stand in defense of their institutions. The Congolese constitution and the nascent democratic process are are currently under attack by those in power seeking to reign over the people in perpetuity.

An increasing number of Congolese are standing up to say no to the current government and their attempts to remain in power at any cost. Probably most notably is Dr. Denis Mukwege of the Panzi Hospital who has called on the Kabila regime to respect the constitution and depart at the end of his mandate in 2016. It appears that he is paying a political price for his principled stand in support of the interests of the Congolese people. It is hard to see the freezing of the Panzi Hospital bank account outside of a political context where the current regime is in the process of persecuting notable figures who call for the respect of the country's institutions, mainly its constitution.In the case of the attack on the Panzi Hospital, ultimately, it is the Congolese women who have been victims of rape and various forms of sexual terrorism who will pay the highest price for what appears to be a political attack.

Courageous Congolese continue to make enormous sacrifices for a better future for the sons and daughters of the Congo? The global community should stand in support and solidarity with the people of the Congo as they pursue peace, justice and human dignity.

Join the global movement in support of a peaceful and just Congo!

Monday, December 22, 2014

Kabila, Burkina Faso, National Cohesion and Prospects for Change in Congo

As 2014 comes to a close, the dominant challenge facing Congolese people is the lengths to which President Joseph  Kabila will go to maintain a stranglehold on power. This unresolved question represents the greatest threat to peace and stability in the democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It will continue to dominate the political landscape through 2016, when Kabila is constitutionally mandated to leave office. He will have completed the second of his two five-year terms (2006 – 2011 and 2011 – 2016) in December 2016.

Leaders in Kabila's Presidential Majority coalition have called for the constitution to be modified so that he can run for a third term. Even before its ratification in 2006, the Congolese constitution has been perverted to suit Kabila's personal interest. For example the minimum age required to run for President was lowered from 35 to 30 so that Kabila who was then 34 years old could qualify to run for President in the 2006 elections. In 2011, Kabila modified the constitution to facilitate the appropriation of the November 2011 elections.

This time, the Congolese populace led by the Catholic Church and 600 plus civil society organizations have said enough is enough. They have called on President Kabila not to touch the constitution, to organize elections at all levels (local, provincial and national) and to step down after the completion of his second term in 2016.

While Kabila's Presidential Majority coalition has been vocal about his remaining in power, Kabila has remained silent on whether he will stay or leave. Nonetheless, his actions have strongly indicated that he plans to stay by any means necessary. Options at his disposal include: changing the constitution, outright scrapping the constitution and initiating a new one; and delaying the 2016 Presidential elections through various measures. Kabila has reorganized the military to strengthen his hand and reshuffled the government under the misnomer “coalition government” in order to bring more political opportunists into the fold.

Kabila’s 2014 "message to the nation" on Monday, December 15th helped to further cement his intention to remain in power beyond 2016. During his speech, he warned against foreign "injunctions" as if calls from European nations and the United States for him to step down after 2016 represent the greatest demand on him to respect the country's constitution. In fact, the strongest resistance to Kabila remaining in power comes from Congolese inside the country.

Kabila also proclaimed during his speech that peace and stability has prevailed throughout the country, however, this is far from the case. The people of Beni in the North Kivu province have endured tremendous suffering, especially over the past two months. Over 250 people have been senselessly massacred. President Kabila paid a "too late, too little" visit to Beni in late October, ostensibly to demonstrate some level of concern for the inhabitants. Following his visit, angry youth disfigured and tore down a statue of Kabila to express their outrage and dissatisfaction with his lack of leadership and the inability of the state to protect the people. While in the Katanga province, over a half million people have been displaced due to militia activity.  Peace and stability remains fleeting under Joseph Kabila’s leadership.

A critical mass of Congolese youth and others have had enough. The question is often asked and widely debated as to whether the mass mobilization that took place in Burkina Faso that resulted in the ousting of President Blaise Compaoré can happen in the Congo or will influence the Congolese populace? Of course it has influenced Congolese youth and the Congolese government as well. Whether what transpired in Burkina Faso can actually happen in the DRC is yet to be seen. The hope is that people will not have to descend into the streets to make President Kabila respect the laws of the land. The expectation is that the pressure being applied by the Catholic Church, Civil society, youth throughout the country, noted Congolese figures such as Dr. Denis Mukwege of Panzi Hospital, politicians in the presidential majority, the opposition and others in the global community, will be sufficient to facilitate respect for the country's constitution and a peaceful transition to a new leadership in 2016.

Congolese youth and others are very clear about what is at stake. The moves made by the Kabila regime are based primarily on how he and his coterie of elites can remain in power and continue to benefit from their positions in the government at the expense of the people.

The next couple years will be a critical test for the Congolese people and those who have invested in peace and stability in the country. The central challenge remains the same since the modern founding of the DRC, will masses of Congolese be able to finally control and determine the affairs of the Congo so that they can be the primary beneficiaries of the country's spectacular wealth.

A vital pillar to peace and stability in the Congo is a government and leadership that benefits from the popular will of the people. The Congolese people are in dire need of a government that serves and protects the interests of the masses.  A social and political landscape where the people have a say in the decision-making process is paramount to peace and stability. It is only when the sons and the daughters of the Congo organize and mobilize to create such an environment that we will finally know and experience peace and be able to extricate ourselves from crushing poverty and perpetual dependency.

Kambale Musavuli
Friends of the Congo

Monday, December 08, 2014

New Congolese Government

President Joseph Kabila named a new government on Sunday, December 7th. Since national consultations in October 2013, many observers have been awaiting the naming of a so-called government of cohesion, which would include members of the opposition. Seven members from the opposition were included in the new cabinet, which will be led Prime Minister Augustin Matata Ponyo, who also led the previous government.

Over a year later, Kabila issued the names of the representatives of the new government. The number of members of the government increased by 11 from 37 in the former government to 48 in the new government. The new government led by Prime Minister Augustin Matata Ponyo is made up of three vice prime ministers, two ministers of state, 32 ministries and ten vice ministries

The new government is a far cry from a unity government or government of cohesion. The presidential majority has merely strengthened its hand in advance of the end of the presidential mandate of Joseph Kabila, which is supposed to come to an end in December 2016 when he will have completed the second of two five-year terms. Many signals have come from Kabila's camp that he aims to stay in power beyond 2016 by any means necessary. Decisions made over the next couple years by Kabila and his supporters is best viewed through the lens of methods or means he can leverage to remain in power beyond 2016.

Although the new government is dubbed as a government of cohesion or national unity, it is far from such. Major parties in the opposition such as UDPS (apparently a card carrying member of UDPS has joined the government but is not at all endorsed by the party) of Etienne Tshisekedi is not a part of the new government and neither are any members of Vital Kamerhe's UNC. Three members of Jean Pierre Bemba's MLC joined the new government, however, they were immediately dismissed from the party for not adhering to the policies of the party. The new government is without doubt dominated by the Presidential Majority and overtures to the opposition are symbolic at best. One cannot call the new government a cohesion government or a government of national unity.  Furthermore, the major thrust of the democratic forces in the country is around the departure of Kabila in 2016 and a peaceful transition via elections, the dominant concern is not being a part of a government that lacks legitimacy among the majority of the Congolese public.

Major ministries such as defense, finance, economy, mines are all under the full control of Joseph Kabila.

Premier Ministre:
Augustin Matata Ponyo

Article 1
Vice Prime Ministers:

1. Vice-premier et ministre de l’Intérieur et Sécurité : M. Evariste Boshab
2. Vice-premier et ministre des PT&NTIC : M. Thomas Luhaka Losendjola
3. Vice-premier et ministre de l’Emploi, Travail et Prévoyance Sociale : M. Willy Makiashi

Article 2 :
Ministres d’Etat et ministres en fonction:

4. Ministre d’Etat et ministre du Budget : M. Michel Bongongo
5. Ministre d’Etat et ministre de la Décentralisation et Affaire Coutumière : M. Simon Banamuhere

Article 3 :
Ministres en fonction:

6. Ministre des Affaires Etrangères et Coopération Internationale : M. Raymond Tshibanda
7. Ministre de la Défense, Anciens combattants et Réinsertion : M. Aimé Ngoy Mukena
8. Ministre de la Justice, Garde Sceau et Droits Humains : M. Alexis Thambwe Mwamba
9. Ministre du Portefeuille : Mme Louise Munga
10. Ministre de Relation avec le Parlement : M. Tryphon Kin-kiey Mulumba
11. Ministre de la Communication et Médias : M. Lambert Mende
12. Ministre de l’EPSP et Initiation à la Nouvelle Citoyenneté : M. Maker Mwangu Famba
13. Ministre du Plan et Révolution de la Modernité : M. Olivier Kamitatu
14. Ministre de la Fonction Publique : M. Jean-Claude Kibala
15. Ministre des Infrastructures : M. Fridolin Kasweshi
16. Ministre des Finances : Henri Yav Muland
17. Ministre de l’Economie Nationale : M. Modeste Bahati Lukwebo
8. Ministre de l’Environnement et Développement Durable : M. Bienvenu Lihota Ndjoli
19. Ministre du Commerce : Mme Ngudianga Bayokisa
20. Ministre de l’Industrie : M. Germain Kambinga
21. Ministre de l’Agriculture, Pêche et Elevage : M. Kabwe Mwewu
22. Ministre des Affaires Foncières : M. Bolengetenge Balela
23. Ministre des Mines: M. Martin Kabwelulu
24 : Ministre des Hydrocarbures : M. Crispin Atama Tabe
25. Ministre de l’Energie et Ressources Hydrauliques : M. Jeannot Matadi Nenga Gamanda
26. Ministre de la Culture et des Arts : M. Banza Mukalay
27. Ministre du Tourisme : M. Elvis Muntiri wa Bashala
28. Ministre de la Santé Publique : M. Félix Kabange Numbi
29. Ministre de l’ESU : M. Théophile Mbemba Fundu
30. Ministre de l’Enseignement Technique et Professionnel : M. Jean Nengbangba
31. Ministre de l’Aménagement du Territoire, Urbanisme et habitat : M. Omer Egwake
32. Ministre des Transports et Voies de Communication : M. Justin Kalumba
33. Ministre de la Recherche Scientifique et Technologique : M. Daniel Madimba Kalonji
34. Ministre du Genre, Famille et Enfant : Mme Bijoux Kat
35. Ministre des PME et Classe Moyenne : M. Bohongo Nkoy
36. Ministre du Développement Rural : M. Eugène Serufuli
37. Ministre de la Jeunesse, Sports et Loisirs : M. Sama Lukonde Kienge

Article 4 :
Vice-ministres en fonction:

38. Vice-ministre de l’Intérieur : Mme Martine Bukasa Ntumba
39. Vice-ministre de la Défense nationale : M. René Nsibu
40. Vice-ministre de la Justice et Droits Humains : M. Mboso Nkodia Mpuanga
41. Vice-ministre du Budget : Mme Ernestine Nyoka
42. Vice-ministre de la Coopération Internationale et Intégration Régionale : M. Franck Mwendi Malila
43. Vice-ministre des Congolais de l’Etranger : M. Antoine Boyamba
44. Vice-ministre de l’Energie : Mme Maguy Rwakabuba
45. Vice-ministre des Finances : M. Albert Mpeti
46. Vice-ministre du Plan : Mme Lisette Bisangana Ngalamulume
47. Vice-ministre des Postes et Télécommunications : M. Enoch Sebineza